第四章 一个政府的诞生
CHAPTER IV

BIRTH OF A GOVERNMENT
第十四节 一位教授的自述
14. A Professor Searches His Soul
  我回到美国后,感到惊讶的是,美国人一般都以为,在中国进行的这场战争,主要是以蒋介石为代表的民主主义与以毛泽东为代表的共产主义之间的搏斗。似乎没有人认识到,许多中国人拥护共产党,是因为共产党支持了在抗日战争时期人民自己建立的政府。似乎也没有人认识到,蒋介石之所以失败,是因为人民起来反对他压制他本应代表的民主。

  当然,要美国人民不这样看中国内战也不容易。一些著名的美国人士,如众议员贾德、前大使蒲立特、陈纳德将军以及共和党的某些显赫人物,就是那样看的。

  然而中国共产党的某些朋友却走到了另一个极端:他们似乎相信,只要一个共产党士兵在中国的一个村庄里出现,那里的农民就会立刻起来高呼: “共产党万岁!”真是可笑之至。

WHEN I returned to the United States, I was surprised to find that the average American assumed that the war in China was primarily a war between democracy and communism, Chiang Kai-shek representing one side and Mao Tze-tung the other. No one seemed to realize that many Chinese supported the Communists because the Communists were supporting the governments which the people themselves had formed during the Japanese war. Nor did anyone seem to realize that Chiang Kai-shek was losing the war because these people had turned against him for suppressing the very democracy for which he was supposed to stand.

  Of course, it was hard for the American people to look on China's civil war in any other manner. Such well-known Americans as Congressman Walter Judd, ex-Ambassador William C. Bullitt, General Claire Chennault and certain prominent members of the Republican party presented the issue in just those lights.

  On the other hand, the professional friends of the Chinese Communists went to the other extreme, seeming to believe that a Red soldier merely had to appear in a Chinese village and the peasants would promptly rise up and shout, "Long live the Communist party." Nothing could be more ridiculous.
  在这两派人之间还有一种人,他们承认中国的农民支持共产党,可是又说这是共产党骑在农民头上用枪逼出来的。在我离开北平之前,有一位美国陆军军官向我发表了这种观点,他曾经去过共产党管辖的满洲地区。

  “你们这些记者真叫人讨厌,”他说,“你们说边区人民喜欢共产党是因为共产党给了他们自由,是因为共产党允许他们组织自己的政府。可是,要是他们胸前对着刺刀,他们怎么敢说不喜欢中国共产党呢?用军队把政府强加给人民,还谈得上自由、民主吗?”

  Somewhere in between these groups were those people who admitted the peasants of China were supporting the Communists, but said it was only because the Communists were sitting on top of them with guns. As a matter of fact, just before I had left Peiping, an American Army officer who had once been in the Communist-led areas of Manchuria voiced just this idea to me.

  "You reporters make me sick," he said. "You say the people in the Border Regions like the Communists because they give them freedom and because they allow them to organize their own governments. But how can they say they dislike the Communists when they have a bayonet sticking in their ribs. And what the hell is free or democratic about a government forced on the people by the army?"
  这是个很严肃的问题,不是随便用几句“无产阶级民主”的话就能搪塞过去的。不过,我在解放区后方游历时,给我印像特别深的,就是任何地方都看不到八路军的军人。与蒋管区不同,这里没有卫兵在衙门口站岗,警卫县政府。至少从外表上看不出有一支压迫人民的武装力量在保卫这里的政府,使它免遭假想的愤怒的人民所推翻。

  使我获得深刻印像的第二点是,整个地区除了无人地带都没有土匪和民团.而这在国民党区域是经常遇到的。在这儿旅行安全极了,简直到了令人乏味的地步。这些情况如果不足以说明这里的政府是受人民拥护的政府,至少也能说明它足一个稳定的政府。

  最后,我惊讶地得知,我所访问过的那一、二十个区长,几乎全是抗日战争前的中小学教员。日本人侵占华北的时候,国民党政府逃之夭夭了,于是这些教员就把学生、朋友和当地的农民组成抗日团体,这些团体后来就成了地方政权。各区的政权又逐渐联合成县政权、专区政权、边区政权。笔者在写此书时,看来很可能将要以这些当初很原始的团体为核心而组成中国新的全国政权。

  This is a serious question and not lightly brushed aside by any gibberish about "proletarian democracy." Yet in wandering about Liberated Area rear lines, I was impressed first of all by the fact that I saw no soldiers of the 8th Route Army anywhere. No army guards hovered before yamen gates, protecting county governments as they did in Chiang Kai-shek's areas, and outwardly, at least, there were no signs that the government was being saved from the supposed wrath of the people by an armed force clamped on them from above.

  The second thing that impressed me was that the whole region, save for no man's land, was completely free from bandits and dissident armed farmers that one met so frequently in Kuomintang areas. Travel was so absolutely safe as to be boring. If not an indication of popular government, such conditions pointed at least to a stable government.

  Finally, I was surprised to find that of the fifteen or twenty district magistrates I visited nearly all had been schoolteachers before the Japanese war. When the Japs invaded North China and the existing Kuomintang governments fled, these teachers had organized their students, friends and the local farmers into resistance groups which later became local governments. Gradually these coalesced into county, district and regional governments. At this writing, it appears quite probable that these originally primitive groups will form the nucleus of the new national government of China.
  共产党、八路军对这些政权的影响胜过国民党,这件事与其说是武力的原因,不如说是历史发展的原因。我了解到,有不少的地方政权的领导人曾经一度追随过国民党和蒋介石,但是后来倒向共产党了,因为他们感到在国民党的压迫下无法有效地抗日。地方上民选的领导人由于这个缘故,而不是由于共产党的武力或共产党的宣传而投向共产党一方,这是为什么日本投降后在中国又爆发一场全面内战的主要原因之一。

  我在解放区的时候曾经思索过,对于如此深刻地改变中国内部力量对比,并使华北人民站到共产党一边反对蒋介石的这种现象,究竟该怎样解释呢?过去曾相信蒋介石能救中国的人们,后来摒弃了他而转向了共产党。对于这些人思想上逐渐转变的过程,该怎样描述呢?我可以像前面那样单纯地罗列历史事实, 但又该怎样从更富于人情味的角度来解释呢?就在这时,边区政府主席杨秀峰教授给我讲述了他的经历,我把它记了下来。我写着写着,便开始认识到这不仅是一个人的生平,而且是一部中国反独裁运动的发展史。

 

 

  That these governments came more under the influence of the Communist party and the 8th Route Army than under the Kuomintang is more a matter of historical development than of armed power. As I discovered, many leaders of the local governments had once followed the Kuomintang and Chiang Kai-shek but had deserted them in favor of the Communists because they found it impossible to fight the Japanese effectively under Kuomintang oppression. The swing of these locally elected leaders to the Communist side for this reason, rather than any Communist arms or Communist propaganda, was one of the big reasons why a full-fledged civil war broke out in China after the defeat of Japan.

  I used to wonder while I was in the Liberated Areas how I could possibly explain this phenomenon that had so changed the balance of forces in China and had brought the people of the north over to the Conirnunist side against Chiang Kai-shek. How could I describe the slow disillusionment of men who formerly believed Chiang Kai-shek was the savior of China, yet finally deserted him and went over to the Communists.

  I could list the bare historic facts as I have done above, but how explain it in more human terms. Then Professor Yang Hsiu-feng, head of the Border Region government, began to tell me something about his life, and as I wrote it down I began to realize that here was not only a personal history, but a record of how the movement against dictatorship in China grew.

  在解放区的时候,我常常见到杨主席。他的政府设在一个小村子里,离我在部队上所住的那个村子大约有十二里远,中间要翻过一座小山。有时候,我无事可做,就逛到那里去,盼望他请我吃饭——他经常请我吃饭。他有一位厨师,是从蒋介石的某省长那里俘虏来的。我不敢说这位厨师政治上的可靠性如何,但是我敢说他的烹调技术是非常出色的。他在一间农民的茅舍里,随时就能做出五六道菜的宴席来。我一辈子也没有吃过这么好吃的菜。其味道和款式远远胜过在上海和北平的高级馆子。这位厨师尤其擅长做蛋,其中一种是把蛋煮了以后裹上面粉烘烤。他做蛋做鸡的花样多极了,我记得我每次去吃饭他都没有重过样。

  杨秀峰一般只是为了陪我才吃一点点这样的佳肴,因为他的口味极简单。他和此地所有的人一样穿一身棉制服,不过他的鞋子已磨坏了大半,补着皮子。他身体枯瘦而矮小,年龄五十岁上下,耳朵有些聋,问他话很费劲,不过他是北平人,操一口清晰的京音,因此听他说话还是很愉快的。

  杨秀峰不经常在家,他常常骑上驴,翻山越岭,长途跋涉,巡访各个县,问讯人民的疾苦。这位瘦弱的知识分子曾经周游过欧洲,曾经是北平颇有名气的历史学教授,如今像游方僧人似地在山区里奔波,从驴背上向那些不识字的、疑虑重重的农民群众施政。这样一幅图景,宛如回到了十三世纪,老实说,我总觉得有点滑稽。这位皮肤白皙、细声细气、举止文雅的教授,干吗要跑到这群粗犷的共产党人和从前的封建农奴当中来呢?他明明会一无所得而大有所失,为什么却要在中年之时投向共产主义事业呢?——何况不是作为党员,而只是作为政治上的同盟者。

链接:关于杨秀峰

 

  I saw quite a lot of Chairman Yang while I was in the Liberated Areas. His government was in a tiny village, about four miles away, up and across a hill, from the village where I lived with the Army. Sometimes, when I had nothing to do, I used to wander over there, hoping he would invite me to dinner - and he always did. Yang had a cook who had been captured from one of Chiang Kai-shek's provincial governors; and though I can't vouch for the cook's political reliability, I can testify that his culinary talents were quite extraordinary. On the spur of the moment from the midst of a peasant's hut, he would whip up five- and six-course dinners that were some of the best I have ever eaten in my life, far surpassing in taste and originality any of the more sumptuous meals for which you had to pay a fortune in Shanghai and Peiping. The cook was particularly expert in eggs, boiling them, rolling them in flour and then baking them. As a matter of fact, he had so many different ways of cooking both eggs and chicken that all the times I was there I don't think he ever repeated himself.

  Yang generally just pecked at this delicious food to keep me company, for he had very simple tastes. He dressed in a cotton padded uniform like everyone else in the region, but his shoes were half worn out and patched with leather. He was a rather wizened little man, about fifty, and half deaf, making it very difficult to ask him questions; but since he was a native of Peiping and spoke with a clear Peking accent, it was a pleasure to hear him talk.

  One could not always find Yang at home, for it was his custom to mount himself on a donkey and take long trips through the mountains visiting various counties and listening to the complaints of the people. The picture of this frail intellectual, who had traveled widely in Europe and who had once been a highly respected history professor in Peiping - the picture of him jouncing through the mountains like some itinerant friar and dispensing government from the back of a jackass to a crowd of illiterate, suspicious peasants, scarcely emerged from the thirteenth century - his picture, I must confess, always seemed to me highly incongruous. What was this parchment-skinned professor with the quiet voice and the gentle manners doing among a lot of roughneck Communists and former feudal serfs? Why had he, with apparently nothing to gain and everything to lose, suddenly, in middle age deserted to the Communist cause, not as a party member, but as a political ally?

  有一天,我们在他的屋里吃饭,然后又坐着抽土制的烟卷,品粗制的绿茶。他的屋子是石砌的,因为石料在这一带是很丰富的。就在这个场合,他开始给我讲他的经历。他的神情异乎寻常地沉静,简直很严肃。

  “一九三七年日本侵略中国的时候,”他说,“我已四十一岁了。我想,作为历史教授,我比一般人更爱国。你大概知道,代表上层社会的读书人是太少了,国难当头的时候,就没有多少人能够领导民众。这样,你就会明白,我决计积极地投入抗日战争乃是义不容辞,也可以说势所必然。我这么说,只是让你知道,我,一个中年教授,既非职业军人,也缺乏政治经验,大概是出于爱国心吧,就自动投效蒋介石政府,听从蒋军保定行营的委派,前往冀南发动那些似乎无动于衷的、在我看来也是无知的民众去打游击。

  “你可以想见, 当我来到蒋军所放弃的游击区一看,心中是多么惊奇,我看到民众自己已经组织起来了好几支队伍。国民党的官儿们跑了,于是人们自己选出了好几个县政府。虽说我是半道插进来的,我在老百姓中还是建立了点威信,一年后,三十个县联合成立冀南行署,我被选为主任。

  One day we were in his home - stone affair, for stone was plentiful in these regions - and during dinner and afterward when we sat smoking handicraft-made cigarettes and sipping coarse green tea, Yang began in an unusually quiet, even grave manner to tell me some of his experiences.

  "I was forty-one," he said, "when the Japanese invaded China in 1937, and, I suppose, being a history professor, I was even more patriotic than most people. As you probably know, the educated men, representing our higher classes, are so few that there are not many persons who can lead the people in the time of a national crisis. By this you will see how necessary and almost inevitable it was that I should think it my duty to take a particularly active part in the war. All these remarks are only to enable you to understand how I - middle-aged professor, not a soldier by profession, with little political experience, actuated, I believe, by the highest motives, volunteered my services to the government of Chiang Kai-shek and allowed his military headquarters at Paoting to dispatch me into southern Hopei to arouse our characteristically apathetic, and what I considered ignorant, people to fight guerrilla warfare.

  "You may well imagine the surprise engendered in my mind when, on arrival in the guerrilla areas, which Chiang's army had abandoned, I found that the people had already organized several bands of their own and had, with the disappearance of the Kuomintang officials, elected several county governments. Although I was an interloper, I managed to develop some authority with the people, and a year later when thirty counties banded together and formed a Director's Bureau for southern Hopei, I was elected chairman.

  “我们来到这块比较安全的地方以后——所谓安全不过是暂时的,蒋介石政府开始认识到抗日运动居然能在敌后存在,就突然决定把——个叫鹿钟麟的国民党官员派回河北当省主席。老百姓觉得国民党扔下他们孤军苦战了一年,这会儿又来这一手,十分气愤,大骂国民党两面三刀,决定不承认鹿钟麟这个省主席。

  “看到老百姓这个态度,我觉得必须向他们严肃地讲一讲。我想蒋介石是国家的首脑,不管他过去有什么过错儿,他的任命总还得尊重嘛。我把我们行署的那些民选的官员们训斥了一个下午,然后叫他们承认鹿钟麟是省主席。

  “鹿钟麟一上任,就请我参加他的政府。我答应了,不过条件是我继续当冀南行署主任。

  “可是没过几天,就来了不少蒋介石的特务,有走着来的,也有骑骡子来的。他们逼鹿钟麟撤销冀南行署。鹿钟麟把我叫去解释了他的处境。我说虽然我很同情你这位省主席,可是我还得坦率告诉你,冀南行署是老百姓自己组织起来进行抗日的,我无权撤销。我要是这么干了,老百姓不仅会起来反对你鹿钟麟,也会起来反对我。

  “起先他要求我们把当地的游击队改编成保安团。我一听简直气坏了。我极力按捺着怒火对他说:‘你要是把这些抗日战士改编成省防军,就会破坏他们的爱国性质,挫伤他们的热情。

  “接着鹿钟麟又要撤换县长。我坚决反对。我说:‘县长都是民众选出来的,他们抗日有功。为什么要打击这些年轻有为的人?’

 

  "When we had reached this comparatively safe point - safe, at all events, for the moment - the Chiang Kai-shek government, apparently only then realizing for the first time that resistance could exist behind the Japanese lines, suddenly decided to dispatch a Kuomintang member, named Lu Tsung-lin, back to Hopei as governor of the province. This proposal, after they considered that the Kuomintang had let them fight alone for a year, produced such a bad effect on the people that they not only cursed the duplicity of the Kuomintang, but were determined not to recognize Lu as governor.

  "I thought it necessary to speak to the people very severely about their attitude. I felt that Chiang Kai-shek was the leader of our country and no matter how bad had been his mistakes in the past, his appointments nevertheless should be honored. After scolding the elected officials in our Director's Bureau all one afternoon, I persuaded them to acknnwledge Lu as the governor of Hopei.

  "On assuming office, Lu asked me to join his government. I agreed, though making sure that I could continue on with my duties in the Director's Bureau.

  "But within a few days, many of Chiang Kai-shek's secret-service men, arriving by foot and mule, began to bring pressure on Lu to abolish the Director's Bureau. Lu called me in and explained his position. While sympathizing with the governor, I had to tell him frankly that I could hardly abolish an organization that the people had formed themselves to fight the Japanese. Anyway, if I tried, the people would not only turn against Lu, but me, too.

  "First he demanded that we turn the local guerrilla units into a Peace Preservation Corps. Hardly believing that I had heard him rightly, I answered as calmly as I could: 'If you change these anti-Japanese fighters into provincial guards, you will be destroying their patriotic nature and will ruin their spirit.'

  "Next, Lu wanted to change the county magistrates. I opposed this, saying: 'They were elected by the people and they have shown merits against the Japanese. Why demoralize promising young men.'

  “然后鹿钟麟又要求把人民组织的抗日团体一律解散,因为它们未按照国民党的章程组织。我指出,当时国民党已经跑了,这些团体怎么可能按照国民党的章程组织呢?我就对鹿钟麟说,‘你这一条是反动的。民众抗日打开了那么大的局面,怎么可以把他们自己组织起来打鬼子的团体解散呢?

  “最后,蒋介石的特务要我们废止减租,废止地方抗日政府所实行的累进税制。这种要求完全是与老百姓为敌的,因此我坚决反对。

  “鹿钟麟提出那些要求后,我感到不可能再像从前那样过日子了。我坚信抗战的正义性,但是自从鹿钟麟提出取缔民众团体以后,我就感到很泄气。我从前满腔热情,现在灰心丧气,万万没有想到,抗战竟是那么难啊。

  “有时我也想,对蒋介石的特务退让一下吧,暂时在原则上让一下步是为了民族的利益呀,可是我转念一想很吃惊:不对!有多少像我一样的人,满怀爱国热情,一心想做好事,想为老百姓做事,参加了抗战,结果呢,却什么好事也做不成。

  “我有点自负,我觉得对有些事决不能委曲求全。我决心要同那班妄图搞垮爱国团体的家伙斗到底。可是,在这样的斗争中,我感到势孤力单。

  “不远就有一支八路军的部队,可是他们不肯来帮我。我只好独力奋战。一开始我就寡不敌众。一天, 日本人在南宫一带发动进攻,我就离开行署去组织附近一个城的民众进行抵抗。鹿钟麟立刻张贴告示,诬称我逃走了,命令撤销行署。他的告示一贴出来,冀南的二百名代表就开了个会,决定反对鹿钟麟的命令。他们举出理由说,你鹿钟麟是蒋介石委任的,我们这些代表可是老百姓委任的,那时蒋介石的人还不知在哪里呢!

 

  "Then Lu demanded that all the anti-Japanese associations the people had organized be abolished because they had not been organized under Kuomintang regulations. Wondering how they could have been organized under party regulations when the Kuomintang had not been there when they were formed, I told Lu this measure was reactionary. 'The people,' I said, 'have achieved great things in fighting the Japanese, why should you abolish the very associations they themselves organized to fight the enemy?"

  "Finally, Chiang's secret-service men demanded that we abolish the rent reductions and the methods of taxation according to income that the local resistance governments had instituted. Such measures were fundamentally against the common people and these I opposed too.

  "After Lu's demands I felt it impossible to go on living as before. Firmly convinced as I was of the righteous nature of the war against Japan, I lost all zest for life after Lu sought to destroy the people's organizations. Only the skeleton of my former enthusiasm remained and the war suddenly seemed to me unexpectedly loathsome.

  "Sometimes I thought of giving in to Chiang's secret-service men. I told myself that I would only be compromising my principles temporarily for the national good. But then I was shocked by the thought of how many, like myself, had entered the war with a passionate patriotism, with the love of doing good and of being of service to the people, and had ended up without a bit of good done.

  "In my pride I felt that I could no longer compromise on certain points and I determined to maintain an unswerving fight against those who wanted to destroy the patriotic organizations. But I felt myself very much alone in this fight.

  "There was a unit of the 8th Route Army not far away, but they did not want to come to my aid. So I had to carry the fight by myself.

  "At first, it was not an equal struggle. One day when the Japanese launched an attack near Nankung, I left my office to organize the people in a near-by city for defense. Lu Tsung-lin immediately put up posters, announcing that I had fled and ordering the abolition of the Director's Bureau. As soon as these posters went up, two hundred representatives of the bureau called a meeting and decided to oppose Lu's order. They reasoned that though Lu had been appointed by Chiang Kai-shek, they had been appointed by the people when none of Chiang Kai-shek's representatives were around.

  “不过,我们也没有宣布脱离重庆政府。我们发出通电要求撤换鹿钟麟,但是没有得到答复。

  “鹿钟麟既然不承认我们的行署,于是就另行委派各县县长。他为此特地召来了石友三将军的队伍,护送新官到任,给他们保驾。老百姓可不承认这些新官,为此打了不少官司。于是一九三九年夏天就有两个政府唱对台戏,每个区有两个区长,每个县有两个县长,每个市有两个市长。鹿钟麟、石友三一伙不承认老百姓的民选政府,老百姓也不承认鹿钟麟、石友三的政府。

  “要是一两年前我从蒋介石的行营出发来领导打游击的时候,知道事情会弄到这般田地,可想而知,我会吓坏的。当时,我万万没有想到这点,所以对事态毫无准备,不知如何是好。最后,我写了八个大字,作为自己的信条:‘协力抗日,改善民生’。谁反对这八个字,我就坚决跟他斗争。

  “不过我也自知我的斗争力量只是存乎一心之中。我没实力对付石友三。他的队伍开始到处抓农民去当兵。行署给石友三写了封信,说:‘你要多少兵我们可以给你派,请你不要抓人。但他根本不理。后来,石友三的队伍一到村边,青壮年就跑光了,很难找到人去打日本。

  “接着,石友三的部下搞了一种十分混账的税收制度。连棺材也一律要上税,老百姓晾在房顶上的菜要上税,把牛牵进城要上税。政府办庆典要强迫老百姓送礼。抓来的壮丁要是跑了,就罚他历属的村子一百套衣服,以赔偿他穿走的军服。

  “老百姓跑来求我作主,可是我无能为力。我觉得十分愧对老百姓,但又有什么法子呢?我有时觉得在附近打游击的八路军太宽容了。我不明白他们为什么不来帮助我。我觉得自己无能为力,活着对谁也没有用处,又惭愧又懊恼,心中翻腾不已。我感到局势越来越险恶,可又无力去扭转。

 

  "However, we did not declare our independence from the Chungking government. We sent telegrams demanding that Lu be replaced, but our telegrams were not answered.

  "Since Lu no longer recognized the Director's Bureau, he had to appoint his own county magistrates. For this purpose he called in the troops of General Shih Yu-shan, who escorted the new officials to their offices and guarded them. The people, however, did not recognize these officials and many lawsuits occurred. In the summer of 1939, there were therefore two governments existing side by side, two district magistrates, two county heads and two mayors of each city. Lu and Shih did not recognize the elected government of the people and the people did not recognize the government of Lu and Shih.

  "You can imagine how horrified I would have been when I set out from Chiang Kai-shek's headquarters a year or two before to lead guerrilla warfare had I been told that things would reach such an impasse as this.

  "I could not have believed it. So I was unprepared for this turn of affairs and did not know just what course to follow. Finally, I wrote down eight Chinese characters and adopted them as my personal guide.

  "Co-operate to fight Japanese; improve the people's living." Whoever opposed this motto, I decided I would fight.

  "My ability to fight, however, I guess was mostly in my own mind. I had no force to oppose Shih Yu-shan, whose troops began to kidnap farmers from their homes and drive them into the army. The Director's Bureau sent a note to Shih, saying: 'Tell us how many soldiers you need and we will find them for you. Only stop this kidnaping.' We got no answer. As a consequence, the young men ran away from the villages whenever Shih's soldiers appeared, and it was very difficult to find anyone to fight the Japanese.

  "Next, Shih's officials instituted a vicious system of taxation. All coffins were taxed. Vegetables drying on the roofs of the people's homes were taxed. Every time a cow was driven into town, a levy was placed on it. People were forced to contribute gifts to government celebrations. If a kidnaped draftee ran away from the army, his village was fined one hundred suits of cotton clothing to replace the uniform with which the deserter had run off.

  "The people petitioned me for help, but I had no force. I felt that I was betraying them. But what could I do? I sometimes felt the 8th Route Army guerrillas near by were too tolerant. I wondered why they did not come and help me. Ineffective and useless to anyone as my life now seemed to me, I felt agitated and irritable. My thoughts would give me no peace. I felt that a terrible situation was developing and I felt powerless to halt it.

  “突然,老百姓自己行动起来了。起先他们揍了鹿钟麟所派的几个县长,接着又揍了石友三手下抓丁的人。石友三派了一名代表来见我,责令我管束老百姓的“无法无天”的行为。我回答说:‘要不是你们把老百姓压迫得这么厉害,他们也不至于这样干。责任全在你们。’

  “因为当地的游击队给农民撑腰,石友三就向游击队发动了进攻。他想先把游击队消灭,再制服老百姓。由于游击队和附近一个营的八路军关系很好,所以游击队敢于还击。于是石友三只好去打这一营的八路军。就是这样也还没有引起一场大战,因为八路军还是—让再让,老实说有时候我对他们很气恼哩。

  “只是在发现了日本军官穿着石友三部队的军服出入于石友三的司令部之后,才大打了起来。原来石友三当了汉奸,对汉奸就不能客气。这一打,石友三就逃到黄河以南,后来叫国民党给枪毙了。蒋介石委任的省主席鹿钟麟一看没有了军事靠山,也开溜了。鹿钟麟一跑,他的政府也就如鸟兽散,我们的行署便成了冀南唯一的政权。

链接:关于鹿钟麟石友三,参见图片《杂牌军的结局——西北军将领(一)》

  "Suddenly, the people took things in their own hands. First they beat up several of Lu Tsung-lin's magistrates. Then they turned on the draft officers of Shih and beat them up, too. Shih sent a representative to me, saying I should control the 'terrible' actions of the people. I answered: 'If you had not oppressed the people so much, they would not be like this now. You are responsible.'

  "Since the local guerrilla units supported the local farmers, Shih launched an attack on them, hoping first to wipe them out and then regain control over the people. The guerrillas, however, had good relations with an 8th Route Army battalion in the vicinity and they dared to fight back. So Shih was forced to attack this battalion. Even this did not bring about general fighting, for the 8th Route still remained very tolerant and I must say I sometimes felt annoyed with them.

  "It was only when Japanese officers, disguised in the uniforms of Shih Yu-shan's army were found visiting his headquarters that general fighting broke out. Shih was a traitor and had to be attacked. He fled south of the Yellow River and was eventually executed by the Kuomintang. With his military support gone, Lu Tsung-lin, Chiang's appointed governor, also fled. With Lu's departure, his government dissolved and the Director's Bureau became the sole government in southern Hopei.

  “我开始时的自负,后来的无能,国民党企图消灭民众组织的横暴行为,人民激烈的反抗……这一连串的事情,给我上了一堂意义深长的课,多么生动,一针见血,而又惊心动魄呵!可以说,这使我的思想产生了大转变。是怎么回事?为什么!这一切到底说明什么?……有一段时间我每天都反复这样问自己,感到非常茫然。这些曾使我苦恼、使我惶惑的问题渐渐弄清楚了。我体会到光是联合抗日分子是不够的,我明白了我还必须与反动分于作斗争。我这个当先生的人,在中年的时候从人民那里学到了这一课,人民成了我的先生,我是他们的学生。我一生中最深刻的体会就是:知识的真正源泉存在于人民的愿望和需要中,或者可以说,存在于人民的心目里。我应当做人民的勤务员。

  “我的思想有了这样的变化以后,我就知道该怎么办了。我不再幻想国民党能领导抗战。经过三年的敌后抗战,我认清了国民党反人民的面目。我原先要是个政治家的话,也许还不会有这点觉悟呢。正因为我是个教授,有普通人的感情,所以不齿于国民党的所作所为。于是,我决心寻找新的盟友一起抗日。

  “国民党跑了以后,我找到了八路军这个盟友。我认识到,西面山西省的丛山对于我在平原上抗战,有很大的帮助;这时有人提出把这两个地区联合起来,我非常赞成。

  “我知道在太行山薄一波那里有不少我的学生,从阎锡山政府里跑出来的戎伍胜也在那儿。我决定去找他们谈一谈。我经过长途跋涉来到了太行山里的总部,我们开始筹划在黄河以北成立一个联合政府。”

 

  "The combination of all these events - my own initial pride, my futility, then the brutal attempts to smash the people's organizations and finally the violent reaction of the people - presented itself to me as a profound lesson - vividly, plainly, terribly, and almost as a conversion. What for? Why? What is going on in the world, I had been wont to ask myself with perplexity several times a day. But now all that had previously tormented and puzzled me became clear. I saw it was no longer enough to co-operate with the anti-Japanese elements and I knew I must fight the reactionaries, too. This was the lesson that I, a teacher, in my middle age, had been taught by the people, and it was they who had become the teacher and I the student. This was the profoundest thing I had ever learned in my life: that the true source of knowledge lay in the people's desires and needs and even in their thoughts and hearts. I had to become their servant.

  "When I had reached this point in my thinking I was ready to take a further step. I no longer believed that the Kuotnintang could lead the war against Japan. I had seen through three hard years of war behind the Japanese lines that the Kuomintang was against the interests of the common people. Perhaps, if in the first place I had been a politician I might not have come to these viewpoints, but I was just a professor with ordinary human feelings and I could not stand what I had seen of the Kuomintang. I was ready to look for new allies against the Japanese.

  "When the Kuomintang ran away, I found these allies in the 8th Route Army. Since I recognized that the mountains of Shansi on my west could play a great part in helping me fight a war on the plains, I was open to a suggestion that was then made to me that the two areas unite.

  "I knew a lot of my former students were in the Taihang Mountains with Po Yi-po and I knew that Jung Wu-sheng who had deserted the government of Yen Hsi-shan was also there. I decided to go over and have a talk with them. After a long journey, I reached the headquarters in the Taihang Mountains and we began to lay plans to form a united government north of the Yellow River."

  杨秀峰停顿了一下,我分明地注意到,在他的眼睛里,在他的脸上,掠过一种不胜感慨的神情。

  “经过一番磨练,我再也不是从前那个当教授的故我了……哈,你可以看得出来,现在我这个人发生了多大的变化……哎,没什么……”

  Yang paused and his eyes and face expressed a fleeting sadness which I could not help remarking.

  "I have come - you know - I have come a long way from that professor - well, as you can see - here I am - but what a change - well never mind - "