第五章 边区的社会
CHAPTER V

BORDER REGION SOCIETY
第二十三节 他们在进行奴隶劳动吗
23. Are They Slaves to Work?
  有一回,我在河北某古县城残破的城墙外走路,经过一个村庄时,看见一位农民弯着腰,用肩膀换着一条绳子,使尽全身力气拉一副小小的犁。他的老婆汗流满面,在后面扶犁。这种牛马式的艰辛劳动,使我为之愕然。我停下脚步,同这位辛苦的农民攀谈起来。

  “您太吃苦啦!”我说。这是通常表示同情的话。

  “是累啊。”他停下来回答说。夫妻二人抬起头来看我,脸上显出极度劳累的模样。
I WAS once on a walk in the countryside outside the crumbling walls of an ancient county town in Hopei. As I was passing beside a village, I saw a peasant, bent low with a rope over his back, straining in every muscle of his body to pull a small plow, which his sweating wife guided from behind. The bestial nature of the labor shocked me and I paused to talk with the toiling farmer.

  "You are eating much bitterness," I said, offering him the time-honored words of sympathy.

  "Yes, it is hard work," he said, pausing while both he and his wife raised their work-strained faces to mine.
  说了几句客套话后,我大胆地问他们,解放后干活是不是比在日本人或蒋介石统治时期更重一些。

  “是更重一些,”农民回答。他笑了笑,用袖子擦擦额头的汗,“大伙儿都干得多了。”

  “八路军来了后,你们的生活下降了吧?”

  农民突然抬起头来。

  “什么下降!”他不高兴地说,“才不是呢!”

  “你得多干活了,这能算生活提高吗?”

  “怎么不算?当然是提高啦。”
  After mouthing several banal phrases, I ventured to ask the farmer and his wife whether they worked harder in the Liberated Areas than they had worked under the Japanese or Chiang Kai-shek.

  "Harder," he said, grinning and mopping at his brow with his sleeve. "Everyone works more."


  "Since the 8th Route came, your life's gone back then?"

  The man looked up suddenly.

  "Back!" he almost spit out the words. "No, indeed. Forward!"

  "You do more work. Is that progress?"

  "Of course. What else but?"

  我看看这位农民,看看犁,又看看他那累得够呛的老婆。干活更重了反而说生活提高了,这真是令人难以相信。我以为自己听错了。可是那位农民很坚决地重复了这个意思,使人无法怀疑。

  后来我还以为这不过是一种违心的气话,发泄牢骚而已。可是,我在农村里见闻多一些以后,这种猜疑很快就烟消云散了,我如果对这里的人说,一般美国人认为社会的目标应该是使人的闲暇增加而不是使劳动增加,人们听了这话,有的表示奇怪,有的表示鄙夷可笑。

  “你们是为资本家干活啊。”

  “过去我们给地主干活,现在给自己干活啊。”

  “你们机器多呗。我们要是有了机器,也不用干那么重的活啦。”

  “自私自利的人才不劳动呢。”
  I stared at the peasant, at the plow, at his toil-worn wife. It seemed so unbelievable that anyone should say that harder work meant progress that I thought I had not heard him rightly. But he was vehement in repeating his assertions and there was no doubt of his meaning.

  Later I thought this was just an exceptional outburst of cynicism, a dash of gall on a surging billow of despair. But further experiences in the villages dispelled the supposition soon enough. If I pointed out that the average American thought the aim of society ought to be to give people more leisure and not more work, I was met by reactions that ranged anywhere from astonishment to amused contempt.

  "But you work for the capitalists."

  "Before we worked for the landlords; now we work for ourselves and keep what we earn."

  "You have so many machines. When we have machines, we won't work hard either."

  "It is selfish not to work."

  这似乎有点儿怪,却是不容怀疑的。农民不仅更卖力气干活,而且常常起早贪黑地干也心甘。为什么呢?因为劳动的果实现在归自己所有,不必再给地主交租了,当兵的也不再来抢了。由于农民努力干活对自己有利,而且对劳动产生了一种新的自豪感,所以很容易接受宣传。

  “发展生产,争取解放!”

  “发展生产,打倒蒋介石!”

  “发展生产,消灭地主的封建统治!”

  在村子的墙上,在路旁破旧的神龛上,在课本上,在车帮上,到处都可以看见这类号召发展生产、宣传劳动光荣的口号。这些口号是很起作用的。不过,有时热心的干部也搞得太过火了。农民在新年要过较长的假期,这时要是有哪个干部想动员农民离开炕头家门,就会碰到白眼,没完没了的嘟囔,或者不满意的怪话。就是干部也不能使农民放弃这一年一度的半月假。

  动员农民流大汗多生产, 这对政府和党来说是有其必要的。边区四面被敌军包围,好像生活在被围困的堡垒里以的,地上有受美制大炮轰击的威胁,天上有被美制飞机空袭的危险,在这种情况下,共产党若不发动农民增加生产,便要陷于灭亡。
  It seemed amazing, but there was no doubt about it. The farmer not only worked harder, but often reveled in his longer hours. Why? The answer was that he could keep the fruits of his toil. No more rents to the landlord. No more robbery by the soldiers. Thus he had an interest in working hard. And with that interest and with a new-born pride in work, he became fertile ground for the seeds of propaganda.

  "Produce and we can have liberty!"

  "Produce and we can overthrow Chiang Kai-shek!"

  "Produce and we will end the feudal reign of the landlords."

  On village walls, in defiled roadside shrines, in the schoolbooks and on the sides of carts - everywhere - were to be seen these slogans about the necessity and glory of work. And they were effective. Sometimes, however, the enthusiastic cadres went too far. On the long New Year holidays should the cadre try to stir the peasant from his hearth a hearth and home, he would be met by vacant stares, well-fed grumblings or good-humored hostility. For not even for the cadres would the peasant give up his fortnight seasonal rest.

  Making the peasant sweat harder was for the government and the party a matter of simple logic. Surrounded on every side by hostile troops, living in what amounted to a besieged fortress, threatened on the ground with American guns and in the skies with American planes, the Communists had to make the peasant produce or die.

  要完成这种任务,不搞奴隶式的劳动似乎是不可能的。共产党没有工业,几乎全靠农业劳动。可是,他们已经把许多种田的劳动力吸收到军队里去了,现在靠什么办法增加农业生产呢7我认为,共产党有六种增加生产的主要办法:

  一、组织集体劳动。
  二、动员妇女下地。
  三、号召所有的军队、官员和党的干部搞生产。
  四、平分土地。
  五、恢复手工业。
  六、动员人民延长劳动时间。

  To perform this task without resort to slave labor appeared impossible. The Communists had no industry and had to depend almost entirely on farm labor. But how could they increase farm production when they were taking labor from the fields and putting it in the army.

  I believe the Communists had six main ways of increasing production:

1. Collective labor.
2. Bringing women into the fields.
3. Making every soldier, official and party cadre produce.
4. Dividing the land.
5. Reviving handicrafts.
6. Persuading the people to work longer hours.

  在华北,农民早有联合起来集体干活的习惯。各农户常把多余的劳力组织起来实行换工。有骡子的人替邻居耕地,邻居则帮他锄草作为交换。这种换工办法在中国的农业生产中从来不占很重要的地位,已经渐渐消失了。共产党吸收了这种换工的办法,加以改进,并通过大力宣传鼓动,周密的组织,再拿到群众中推广。

  换工队、互助组、共耕社就这样产生了。我发现,除了游击区和新解放区以外,很少有几个村庄没有这些组织。有的地方是全村都组织到一起做各种各样的活计,有的地方是几家把农具和牲畜凑起来合伙种各自的地,或者进行一些特殊的生产活动,如开荒、修渠等。

  入伙完全是自愿的,对不参加的人,决不会有直接或间接的惩罚。但是读者也不能从此得出结论说,不用动员,农民就会参加互助组。如果不加以组织,各个农民势孤力弱,就只能用那老一套的效率低下的单干方式种地。必须让农民看到合作生产的优越性,看到换工队可以给他们的生活带来经济实惠。

  农民看到了榜样。

  拿山西山区的三王村来说,我看到一个互助组,有一百三十四个人,五十四头驴,二十头牛,五匹马,两头骡子。组里有个富裕农民过去雇人种地,参加互助组后,自己劳动,不雇人了, 一年可节省七十斗麦子。在这个村里我还见过一个大烟鬼,他曾雇了一个人种他那十二亩地。由于有抽大烟和雇工的开销,他自己过着仅能糊口的生活。参加变工队后,他戒了烟,也不雇工了,一年可省七斗小麦。这个变工队里有个贫农对我说,他过去在两亩地里锄草要用十六天,现在有十一位队员帮助,一天就锄完了。

  虽然活儿由集体干,但是土地、庄稼、农具仍属私人所有,因此充分发挥了集体劳动和私人所有权这两方面的积极性。他们规定了具体的办法,使那些既出劳力又出畜力的人多得一些工分。

  一个妇女如果能和男人干活一样多,就算一个整劳力,按整劳力记工。干活慢或干活时间少的老人和儿童算半个劳力。一头骡子折合两个劳力,一头驴子算半个劳力。

  In North China there had long been a custom for peasants to get together and do certain jobs collectively. Families would often organize working teams from their surplus labor and send them around to do work for others. Or a man with a mule would plow the field of his neighbor in exchange for help in weeding his own land. These practices never played an important role in Chinese farm production and gradually faded out. The Communists, however, learned about them, refined the old methods and handed them back to the people with the proper propaganda stimulus and efficient organization methods.

  Thus came into being labor exchange brigades, mutual work teams and labor co-operatives. With the exception of the guerrilla areas and newly recaptured places, I found few villages without them. In some cases, whole villages worked together on various tasks; in other cases, families pooled tools and draft animals for co-operative work in their own fields or for special jobs like land reclamation or irrigation.

  Membership was entirely voluntary, with no punishment either direct or indirect for not joining. But let not the reader conclude from the extent of these mutual work teams that the peasant was Joining them without persuasion. Had it been left to him, he would have puttered around feebly, gardening in his own futile and individualistic way. He had to be shown the profits in co-operative labor, that the brigades had a direct economic merit for his own life.

  And he was shown.

  In Three Wang Village, in the Shansi Mountains, for example, I found a mutual work team of 124 persons, 54 donkeys, 20 oxen, 5 horses and 2 mules. In this group, there was a rich farmer who formerly hired men to work his fields for him. Joining a co-operative and working himself, instead of hiring labor, he saved twenty bushels of wheat a year. In the same village, I came across an opium smoker who hired a man to work his two acres of land for him. Because of the money spent on opium and hired labor, he had barely enough food for himself. Joining the labor brigade, he cured himself of the drug habit, stopped using hired labor and saved two bushels of wheat a year. A poor farmer in the same brigade told me he formerly took sixteen days to weed one-third of an acre of land. Now, with the help of eleven group members, he weeded it in one day.

  Although work was done collectively, fields, crops and implements remained private property, so the incentives of collectivism and private ownership were both used to the full. Special methods were worked out whereby more points were given those who contributed animals as well as labor.

  Thus a woman, if she could do as much work as a man was counted a full-labor power and was paid accordingly. Old men and children who could not work fast or long enough were counted as half-labor powers. Two persons equaled one mule and a half a person equaled one donkey.

  读者可能会奇怪:人和牲畜怎么能折算?请不要忘记,农民是用这个方法来计算入伙股份的价值的。在山西山区的另一个村庄里,有一个互助组,它有九十个整劳力,八十八个半劳力,八头驴,三头牛。他们合种三百六十亩地,按劳力、按各家地的多少分配收成。除了种自己的地以外,他们还开了一百二十亩荒地。

  读者可能会说,这样的生产太微不足道了。不错。不过,合作事业也有规模大一些的。我印像最深的是在河北磁县所见到的。那里大片的土地被一九三七年、一九三九年和一九四〇年的洪水,以及一九四一年和一九四二年的大旱给毁掉了。这片地从此荒了,谁都认为要等好几年以后才能再种。但是在一九四七年八、九月间,联合国善后救济总署从美国教友会借用的两名美国青年农民,带领他们的中国学员用拖拉机在这片荒地上耕出了五千亩地,以便种庄稼。美国人原来以为在半月内这开出来的地恐怕还种不上。而美国人却不知道,有十四个村子选出了分配这片地的委员会。他们用铅笔、纸、绳结、算盘、木桩把这片地分成了十四大块,他们从政府那里获得了种子,就在美国人把地耕完的那天晚上,做好了播种的一切准备。这天晚上,材干部们登上屋顶,拿着传声筒通知老乡第二天一大早带着磙子、耙和耧下地。

  第二天早上,男女老少一齐出动,共有两千个农民、五百头骡子和四百架耧出现在地里。开始干了,这时扬起一片尘土,十里之外都看得见。起初因为这活儿不太习惯,所以比较慢。一小时后,农民看到自己种了这么一大片地,不觉十分惊讶。他们的热情高涨起来。他们唱起了歌,互相比赛,看谁种得多。到了中午,也就是说,只用了四个小时,他们就把五千亩地全种完了。对于第一次集体劳动的成功,农民是这样高兴,他们决定今后就用这个办法干活。

  为了促进劳动互助, 共产党提出了一个口号:“组织起来赛机器,互助合作,共同富裕!”

  If the reader be shocked at equating animals with men, it ought to be remembered that these were the methods that the people themselves chose to compute the value of what they contributed to the co-operatives.

  In another village, in the Shansi Mountains, I found a brigade with ninety laborers, eighty-eight half-laborers, eight donkeys and three oxen. Between them they worked sixty acres of land, dividing the produce according to labor and according to the amount of land each family owned. Besides working on their own land, they had reclaimed twenty acres of waste land.

  Pitiful efforts, you say. Yes. But there were also larger co-operative ventures. One of the most impressive I came across was in Chihsien County in Hopei Province. Here large tracts of land had been destroyed by floods in 1937, 1939 and 1940 and droughts in 1941 and 1942. The land had lain fallow for some time and everyone thought it would be many years before it could be used again. In August and September, 1947, however, two American farm boys, on loan from a Quaker church to UNRRA, and their Chinese students tractored five thousand mow (eight hundred acres) of this waste land so that it was ready for planting. The Americans expected the land would not be planted for a fortnight.

  But in the meantime, unknown to them, fourteen villages had elected committees to divide the land. With pencils and papers and knotted ropes and abacus and stakes they split up the land into fourteen general plots. Then, having obtained seed from the government, on the night the Americans finished their tractoring, they made the final preparations for planting. That very evening village leaders got up on the roofs with megaphones and shouted for the people to bring rollers, seeders and planters to the fields early the next day.

  The following morning, two thousand farmers, men, women and children, appeared in the fields with five hundred mules and four hundred planters. As they fell to work a cloud of dust was raised that could be seen for miles over the countryside. At first the unaccustomed work went slowly, but after an hour the farmers were amazed to see how much land they had planted. They grew elated, began to sing, then competed with each other to see how much ground they could plant. By noon; that is, within four hours of starting, they had completely finished over eight hundred acres of land. So pleased were the villagers over the success of their first community labor that hundreds decided that thereafter they would work in no other way.

  To stimulate the formation of labor co-operatives, the Communist party adopted a slogan: "Organized manpower equals a machine: cooperate and get rich!"

  但是,就是组织起来也不能解决边区生产中一些最迫切的问题。例如,谁也没有办法对付虫害。边区什么农药、什么驱虫药、什么毒药,都没有。唯一的办法就是捉虫子。缺少牲畜也是农业生产上的一大因难。虽然联合国善后救济总署运了几千头骡子到中国来,但是分配给解放区的寥寥无几。在外面什么牲畜也买不到,饥荒和战争又使牲畜丧失大半。经过一场运动,使牲畜依复到正常水平的百分之七十。但是畜力多被用于运输,耕畜仍然很紧张。

  由于骡子少,常常用人来顶替牲畜。有时夫妻合拉一犁,而更常见的是,四人合拉一犁,三人顶一头骡子在前面拉,一人在后面扶。人拉犁毕竟顶不上骡子,一头好骡子一天可耕六亩,而人拉犁只能耕三亩。

  除了缺牲口外,还缺男人,许多男人都上前线去了。于是妇女便下地干活,这对破除华北地区关于妇女不能出家门的旧习是很有作用的。在收获季节,我看见妇女(其中还有裹小脚的)和小孩在地里收庄稼,与男人一起干活。农村里刚刚倡议搞互助组的时候,老人和丈夫们都激烈地反对妇女下地干活,他们怕自己的老婆和闺女同别的男人接触后会出问题。有些妇女不听丈夫这一套,主动参加了互助组的劳动。后来,男人看到女人能给家里挣钱,也就不反对了。妇女下地和参加手工业的越来越多,村里有人编了一个顺口溜:“从来男人养活女人,现在女人也养活男人。”

  妇女下地,部分地弥补了因男人参军而给生产造成的损失,而部队参加生产,就更多地弥补了这种损失。同要求政府干部一样,也要求每个军人每月生产一定数量的粮食,或者布匹,或者其它必需品。几乎每个连都有自己的生产队,他们开荒或者帮助老乡耕地、收庄稼。生产搞得好的部队,各团粮食可以达到自给。刘伯承部队挺进长江流域时,还利用作战的空当儿帮助老乡收庄稼。还应该指出,这些部队经过国民党的城镇时,还打开城市商人和大地主的粮仓救济贫民。

  But even organized manpower was not able to solve some of the most pressing problems of production in the Border Region. For example, no one had found a way to deal with insects. In the Border Region there were no insecticides, no repellents and no poisons. The only way to fight insects was to catch and kill them.

  Almost as hard on crop production was the shortage of farm animals. Although UNRRA shipped thousands of mules to China, few came to the Border Region. None could be bought outside and famine and war had killed off over half the animals. A drive had increased livestock to 70 percent of normal, but many of these animals had to be used in transport and the situation on the farm remained desperate.

  With mules scarce, men were often substituted for animals. Sometimes, man and wife pulled the plow together, but more often four men operated the plow - three pulling at the front, in the place of the mule, and one behind to guide.

  Yet men could not equal mules when hooked up to a plow. A good mule could plow an acre of land in a day, but men could plow only half an acre.

  Besides the shortage of farm animals, there was also a shortage of men, many of whom were at the front. This brought women into the fields and contributed greatly to the smashing of an old North China custom that women should not be seen outside the home. In harvest time, I saw women, even those with bound feet, and children gathering crops from the fields and working side by side with men. When the idea of mutual help teams was first introduced to the villages, old men and husbands objected violently to women working in the fields; for they were afraid what might happen when their wives and daughters came into contact with other men. Some of the women, however, revolted against their husbands and went to work in the co-operatives of their own accord. Later, when the men saw the money their wives were bringing in, they no longer objected. As more and more women went into the fields and entered handicraft industries, a saying grew up in the villages: "In all times before this, men supported women, but now maybe women can support men."

  While the entrance of women into the fields took up part of the slack in production caused by the draft of men into the military service, the army itself took up more slack by turning its troops into producers. As with government cadres, every soldier was required to produce a certain amount of food or cloth or something useful each month. Nearly every company in the army had its own labor brigade, reclaiming waste land or helping farmers with plowing or at harvest time. Sometimes army roduction was carried to such extremes that whole regiments produced enough to feed themselves, while at other times, such as during General Liu Po-cheng's offensive into the Yangtze Valley, soldiers helped farmers reap harvests right in the middle of a campaign. And it should be admitted these soldiers in passing through Kuomintang cities also helped the poor to help themselves to the grain stores of city merchants and big landlords.

  增加农业生产,是边区必须解决的最困难的经济问题。其次是增加工业品,这方面的困难也不小。

  八路军初到太行山区时,农民把纺车当柴烧掉,把手工织机弃置于房梁上。榨油、造纸、制革几乎都失传了。这些手工业曾使马可波罗赞叹不已,也曾是农民的副业,后来因为西方机制品的涌入而毁灭,因为就连这些偏远的山村都与世界市场有了关系。

  抗日战争使进口突然停止,工业品的来源断绝了。为了穿衣,为了供应部队制服,共产党不得不设法恢复旧的手工业。乡村恢复织布,政府机关、学校和军队纺线,这一群众运动并不是实行什么甘地主义那套教义,而纯粹是出于需要。

  恢复手工业方面取得很大成绩,几年之内,边区实现了布匹自给,所生产的油足供每家每户点灯,还生产了面粉、纸张及各种重要用途的皮革。

  据戎副主席说,边区百分之八十以上的工业是在家庭里办的,百分之九十的布是农家织的。

  The battle to increase farm production was the most difficult economic problem the Border Region had to solve. Somewhat less important, but hardly less difficult, was the struggle to increase manufactured goods.

  When the 8th Route Army first arrived in the Taihang Mountains it found peasants using spinning wheels as fuel and hand looms laid away on the beams of farmers?homes. Oil pressing, paper manufacture and leather tanning were almost lost arts. All those handicrafts, which roused Marco Polo's admiration and which had supplemented the farmers' income from the land, had been destroyed by the influx of Western machine-made goods, for even these rural mountain communities had become linked to the world market.

  The Japanese war, however, suddenly cut off imports, and manufactured articles no longer could be found. To supply themselves with cloth and the army with uniforms, the Communists had to seek to revive the old handicrafts. There was no doctrine like Gandhiism behind the mass movement which revived weaving in the villages and introduced spinning into government offices, schools and armies, but only sheer necessity. So successful was the revival of handicraft industries that the Border Region within a few years became self-sufficient in cloth, produced enough oil for every home to have an oil lamp, made wheat flour and paper and tanned leather enough for every important need. Over 80 percent of the industry in the Border Region, according to Vice-Chairman Jung, went on in the home. Ninety-five per cent of the cloth was produced in village farmhouses.
  

  经济学家可能觉得奇怪,家庭手工业竟然没有发展成作坊、织布场之类。原来,工厂无法同家庭手工业竞争。工厂需要征集资金,家庭手工业却不需要。工厂要管工人的饭,或者给工人吃饭的工资,而家庭工人靠自己种地吃饭。

  一九四六年有一个比较乐观的停战时期,那时,边区的官员忽然制定了一个工业规划。他们打算建一座钢广,两座棉纺厂,一座毛纺厂,两座面粉加工厂,两座水泥厂,一座制酸厂,两座火柴厂,并开办六个大煤矿。这个规划的资金怎么办呢?戎副主席在参议会的一次会议上提出一项议案,主张在边区的工业发展中引进美国资本。这项决议被一致通过了。当时,从上海买来了一座大棉纺厂。

  然而停战短命得很,很快就破裂了。当然也不会获得美国资本。由于怕空袭,政府一直没有把棉纺厂盖起来。大办工业的规划告吹了。

  边区官员虽然痛心,但并不气馁,他们又重新考虑手工业,想对旧的手工业加以改造和发展。一天只能织十六尺布的旧织机,渐渐被新发明的一天能织四十八尺布的单人织机代替。边区在工业方面能有什么作为呢?他们能像建立发达的手工业那样建立一个强大的经济吗?这个问题虽然十分引人入胜,但只好留待日后了。

  “当前阶段,”边区领导人解释说,“我们只好发展手工业。”

  正如列宁所说,在革命时期,“一个国家总有对革命有用的落后事物的。”

  Economic theorists might find it strange that the home handicrafts did not expand into workshops and weaving mills. The answer was that the mills found it impossible to compete with home industry. Factories need capital; home industries do not. Factories had to feed laborers or guarantee them a wage to buy food; home workers could live off the family's land.

  During one of the more optimistic truce periods in 1946, the Border Region officials suddenly drew up an industrial plan. They would build a steel plant, two cotton mills, one woolen mill, two wheat rolling mills, two cement mills, one acid works and two match factories while operating six large coal mines. How would they finance this plan? Vice-Chairman Jung got up before a meeting of the People's Council and made a resolution that American capital be invited to participate in the development of industry in the Border Region. The resolution was unanimously passed. In the meantime, a large cotton mill was brought in from Shanghai.

  Suddenly the short-lived truce was over. No funds of course came from America. Afraid of air raids, the government never put up the cotton mill. The big industrial plan was scuttled.

  Saddened; but not discouraged, Border Region officials returned to a contemplation of their handicrafts, revising old ones, trying to make new ones. Old looms which could produce sixteen feet of cloth a day were gradually followed by newly invented one-man looms which could turn out forty-eight feet in a day.

  What could the Border Region have done with industry? Could they have built up a mighty economy as they had built up a thriving handicraft output? That question, though intriguing to contemplate, would have to wait.

  "Now and at this time," rationalized Border Region leaders, "handicrafts are the things for us."

  As Lenin said, in the time of revolution, "There is always something backward in a country that is useful for the revolution."