第七章 土地与革命
CHAPTER VII

LAND AND REVOLUTION
第二十七节 农民说话了
27. The Peasant Speaks
  抗战胜利以后,共产党提出要敢于同蒋介石进行斗争。他们很快意识到,要推翻国民党的国家机器,仅靠现有的力量是远远不够的,必须动员全国人民投入这场解放战争。那么,以什么名义来动员人民呢?以社会主义还是以共产主义的名义?显然都不行。只能以人民群众自己的名义。提出了一般性的号召,还必须有具体的纲领,才能有实现的可能。共产党的土地改革政策正是这种具体的纲领。

  土地改革,乍听起来像是一个学术名词,但它所引起的如此巨大的激情,却是前所未闻的。共产党对中国农村土地关系所进行的改革,实际上也就是对整个中国社会进行改革。中国土地关系大变动的过程,丰富多彩,可歌可泣。它使这个古老的国度发生翻天覆地的变化,整个中华民族的精神为之振奋。它明确指出了共产主义东方世界今后的民主、自由以及宗教、财产和婚姻关系的发展方向。它是了解中国人民革命动力的钥匙。但更重要的,它是共产党夺取政权的实录。

  共产党的土地政策,在中国夺取政权的斗争中,起了决定性的作用。因为它动员了多少年来受压抑的广大群众奋起推翻旧社会。土地革命从两个方面打破了中国农民似乎是千古不变的蛰伏状态,一方面是精神的,另一方面是物质的;一方面是从内部起作用,另一方面是从外部起作用。在精神方面,土地改革唤起了农民的希望。这是他们生平第一次产生的激情。在物质方面,土地改革给农民提供了与地主进行斗争的手段。

  土改过程中,这种政策与希望之间、手段与情感之间相互作用的情况,是很难用笔墨记录下来的,勉强为之,必然徒劳。尽管如此,我仍相信,下面的几段叙述,也许能为本书最后部分所涉及的更为激烈的事件提供一个轮廓,也可能有助于剖析共产党的战略,看看他们是如何把中国广大农村从蒋介石手中争夺过来的。顺便在此说明一下,文中历述的华北农民奋起斗争的情况井非是哪位共产党高级干部描绘我听的,而是根据我自己到地方干部和农民群众中采访以及亲身考察而整理的。

AFTER V-J Day when the Communist party decided it dared struggle against Chiang Kai-shek, it soon appeared that their power resources were insufficient for opposing the Kuomintang state apparatus, and it became necessary for the party to require the almost total participation of the people in the war. In whose name could the Communists make such a demand? In the name of socialism? Communism? Emphatically no. It had to be in the name of the masses themselves. Such an abstract rallying cry, however, could only be effective when it was rooted in a definite material program. This program was found in the Communist land-reform policy.

  The words land reform have an academic ring, but few words have ever aroused such tumultuous emotions. When the Communists started out to change land relationships in China, they really began an effort to reform all of Chinese society. The story of the upsetting of land relations in China is a rich cross-section of a new epoch that has dawned in an ancient land, a tale of a whole people in the grip of a mighty passion, an important guide to the future of property, liberty, democracy, religion and marriage in the Communist Orient, a key to the understanding of the Chinese people's sources of action and above all a record of the Communists' drive for power.

  The Communist land policy was decisive in the struggle for power in China because it brought hitherto apathetic masses into open revolt against existing society. Land reform shattered the seemingly immortal torpor of the peasant in two revolutionary ways, the one spiritual, the other material, the one acting from within, the other from without. On the spiritual side, the land reform gave to the peasant one emotion that had perhaps hitherto been lacking from his life - hope. On the more material side, the Communist land reform gave to the peasant a method of struggie against his village rulers.

  This interaction between politics and passion, technique and emotion, is not easy to trace and any attempt to do so is likely to prove heavy going. Nevertheless, I believe the following paragraphs may furnish a chart of understanding to some of the more violent events that occupy the last part of this book and may give a revealing insight into Communist strategy and just how it weaned rural China away from Chiang Kai-shek. Incidentally perhaps, it is best to remark here that this story of the peasant upheaval in North China was not given me by any high Communist officials, but was pieced together by myself from conversations with local cadres and peasants and from my own experiences.

  考察土地革命时,首先必须对农民群众有一个正确的看法:他们不仅是自然意义上的人,而且也是政治意义上的人。由于对外界的情况十分闭塞,农民的政治视野往往局限于他们耕作的地界的范围之内。所以托洛茨基指出,农民对本村的地主绝不妥协,但对体现地主阶级专政的国家,则往往认识不清,束手无策,“因此农民总是幻想一个理想国家来取代现实的国家。”这是符合中国情况的。在中国历史上,农民中产生过如《水浒传》中所描写的一百单八将式的反朝廷的好汉。太平军揭竿而起后,在人世间建立太平天国的理想也曾激励了广大农民群众。中国内战重起以后,农民团结在共产党的“土地与解放”的旗帜之下,尊奉毛泽东为人民的“大救星”。

  由于农民普遍具有乌托邦思想,所以许多正统的马克思主义理论家认为.农民本身无法进行社会革命,必须由另一个阶级来领导他们,如十八世纪法国的第三等级和十九世纪俄国的无产阶级。俄国革命的经验又促使这些理论家认为,今天的落后国家只有在工人阶级的领导之下,才能进行革命,并认为这是一条颠扑不破的规律。俄国社会革命党的历史似乎证实了这一论点。他们在与谁联盟的问题上思想混乱不堪,以致为了维持他们与银行资本家的联盟而坚决不让农民获得土地。由于社会革命党不赞成没收地主的土地,于是失去了广大农民的支持,直接导致他们一败涂地,而使布尔什维克取得了政权。一九三六年十二月西安事变后,中国共产党为了建立包括国民党和地主在内的抗日民族统一战线,停止实行没收地主土地的政策。在整个抗日战争期间,他们始终坚持不让农民夺取地主的土地。

  然而中共不仅没有因此失去农民的支持而垮台,反而更加受到农民的衷心拥护,愈加发展壮大起来。原因究竟何在?中共到底有什么与众不同之处?

  First of all, in a revolution, it is necessary to understand the peasant, not only as a human being, but as a political animal. Because he is isolated from the rest of the world a peasant generally cannot raise his political horizons beyond the boundary of his fields. For this reason, as Leon Trotsky noted, he is implacable in his struggle against the landlords but most often impotent against the general landlord incarnate in the state. "Hence his need," said Trotsky, "to rely on some legendary state against the real one." These remarks are applicable to China. In olden times the peasantry created such pretenders to the throne as the 108 immortal heroes of the Shui Hu Chuan, and during the Taiping Rebellion, they rallied around the idea of a Peaceful Kingdom of Heaven on Earth. (1)

  After the recommencement of the civil war, the peasants united under the Communist banner Land and Liberty, sometimes deifying Mao Tze-tung as the "Saving star" of the people.

  These utopian tendencies of all peasants once led many orthodox Marxists to declare that the peasantry cannot make a social revolution by themselves; they must have another class to lead them, such as the Third Estate in eighteenth-century France or the proletariat in nineteenth-century Russia. The experiences of the Russian Revolution caused many of these theoreticians to make it an almost iron-clad law that backward nations today cannot produce a revolution except under the leadership of the workers. The history of the Russian Social Revolutionaries, who got so tangled up in their coalitions that they zealously kept the muzhik away from the land in order not to lose their allies among the bankers, seemed to prove such a thesis. For as a direct result of their failure to come out for land confiscation, the Social Revolutionary party lost the support of the peasantry and collapsed before the Bolsheviks who took power. In like manner, after the kidnaping of Chiang Kai-shek in December 1936 the Chinese Communists, in exchange for a united front with the Kuomintang and the landlords against the Japanese, abandoned their program of land confiscation. Throughout the whole war they resolutely guarded the land from peasant seizure.

  Yet, far from losing the support of the peasants and going to pieces, the Communists planted themselves more firmly in the hearts of the farmers and grew stronger. Why? What was the difference?

原注一:太平天国的领导人洪秀全,是一个以救世主自居的落魄秀才,跟一个早期新教徒学了一些教义。他主张推翻满清统治,建立“人间的天堂”——太平天国。 (1) The leader of the Taiping Rebellion, Hung Hsiu-chttan, a poorly educated scholar of messianic vision, who had met an early Protestant missionary and become a Christian, advocated the overthrow of the Mancbus and the establishment of Tai Ping Tien Kuo - the Peaceful Kingdom of Heaven.
  抗日战争所造成的客观环境可以说是全部的答案。托洛茨基分子之所以震恐,并不在于中国共产党同意接受蒋介石的领导,而在于他们为了建立统一战线而放弃了“最基本的原则”。这在托洛茨基分子们看来,无疑是对革命的彻底背叛。然而,在抗日战争中,当务之急是挽救民族的危亡,根本谈不上进行国内革命。共产党人被迫在敌后坚持抗战,处于敌人包围之中,必须依靠人民群众建立根据地,才能生存。如果在当时当地发动一场解决阶级矛盾的国内战争,势必使这些根据地毁于一旦。

  因此,中共以民族战争代替了阶级战争。这种民族战争本身也是革命战争,它在人民中所起的动员作用,往往比土改的作用更大更快。抗日战争把自古以来就是分散经营、基本上各顾各的农民组织起来了,使他们认识到同心协力、集体行动的力量。农民在部队里接触了许多人,学到许多新思想,这本身就是一种革命的催化剂。在营房里,在练兵场和枪林弹雨的战场上,农民战士对共产党及其方针政策逐渐熟悉,这在和平时期是无法做到的。

  在开展游击战的人民战争中,农民战士又学会了分清谁是自己的敌人,谁是自己的朋友。由于以上原因,停止土地革命,并未像有人当初顾虑的那样,产生不利于革命的后果。

  The answer can be found almost entirely in conditions produced by the Japanese war. Trotskyites were horrified, not at the fact that the Communists submitted to the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, but that they gave up "the heart of their program" to obtain an alliance. This seemed to them like a complete betrayal of the revolution. But in fighting the Japanese there was no question of making a revolution, there was only a question of existing. Doomed as they were to fight in the heart of enemy territory, surrounded on all sides by hostile forces, the only way the Communists could even remain alive was to find bases among the people. To have started a class war would have endangered these bases.

  So the Communists abandoned class war for national war. But this national war, in itself, was revolutionary and often produced more ferment more quickly than the land reform might have done. In drawing hitherto scattered and essentially selfish peasants together, the war taught people the value of co-operation and collective action. The mingling of men and ideas was a revolutionary catalyst in itself. In the barracks, on the training ground and the battlefield, the peasant became familiar with the Communist party and its program in a way that would have been impossible in peacetime.

  In taking to guerrilla warfare, which depends almost entirely on the people, the peasant also learned to distinguish between friend and foe. Because of all these circumstances, the abandonment of the revolutionary land program did not have such unrevolutionary results as might have been expected from first glance.

  然而中共停止土地革命的做法,确曾使一部分贫雇农不满意。从他们饱经忧患的阅历之中,农民群众懂得,不应轻信那些到他们村中花言巧语进行游说的知识分子。只有分给他们土地,才能博得他们的信任。当中共取消了没收地主土地的政策,规劝贫雇农以抗日大局为重,不要触动地主时,这些农民心想,你的葫芦里卖的原来也是那种狗皮育药,于是暗自骂一声:“放NMD狗屁!”便悻悻而去。

  尽管有一部分贫雇农不满意,中共仍然坚持暂不把地主的土地分给农民,而只是根据国民党在一九二六年所通过的纲领,实行二五减租。从表面上看来,共产党似乎与国民党毫无二致。但是实际上,共产党的干部与国民党的官员是截然不同的,前者坚决执行了减租减息的规定。农民群众把这一点看在眼里,原来共产党的干部到底不一样,于是不再骂娘,又拥护共产党了。

  可是农民群众还是不敢大胆投入减租减息斗争,担心日本鬼子打过来,八路军一撤走,地主老财就会变本加厉地逼他们缴租子。另外,共产党也不可能同时在所有的地方开展减租减息,因为他们的工作跟不上。他们先在一些地方进行访贫问苦,召开诉苦大会发动群众。这样的活动很快在巩固的游击区内普遍开展起来。通过这种方式,共产党唤醒了农民群众的觉悟,使他们认识到,实行减租减息是他们的合法权利。每个村子都召开了群众大会,由贫雇农对地主破坏减租减息的罪行进行公开揭发和控诉。反对奴役式的租佃制以及反对高利贷的斗争,是抗日战争时期农民运动的主要内容。此外,长工、雇农反对地主、富农的斗争,也是这一时期农民运动的重要组成部分。佃农为减轻地租而斗争,雇农的斗争则是为了改善劳动条件。

  农村的这两股力量,看到他们能够清算地主的某些剥削行为,于是进而为一些与地租无关的剥削形式,如苛捐杂税和无偿劳役之类,向地主提出了赔偿的要求。此时,地主只好眼睁睁地看着自己的统治发生动摇而束手无策。在减租减息运动中表现最积极的,往往是那些武装民兵,他们放下地里的话去保卫村子免遭日本鬼子入侵,因此要求地主给以补偿。虽然地主也并非是一点实力也没有,但除了投敌搬兵以外,无计可施。

  同时,农民群众的要求与日具增,终于形成了以诉苦和斗争会为中心的群众运动。这种诉苦和斗争会注定成为中国革命常用的形式。

  Nevertheless, the Communist program did alienate some of the poor peasants, the tenants and the long-term workers. From bitter experience the peasant had learned to distrust any intellectual who came to his village with fine promises. Only if you gave him land did the poor peasant think you meant business. When the Communists abandoned land confiscation and told the tenantry and the rural workers that they must forget about the landlords and fight the Japanese, these dispossessed men saw behind such fine promises nothing but the ancient double cross. "Fang kuo pi" ("dog-wind-blowing"), they muttered under their breath and went on their way.

  Despite all the importunities of the poor, the Communists resolutely kept the land from the peasants and merely went ahead with a rent-reduction program based on Kuomintang legislation passed in 1926, which cut all rents by one-quarter. Outwardly, this identified the Communists with the Kuomintang. The difference, however, between the Kuomintang was that cadre tried to enforce rent-reduction regulations. When the peasant saw this, he stopped and turned around. Here was a different kind of official.

  Even then the peasant did not rush into a struggle to reduce his rents. He was afraid that if the Japanese drove away the 8th Route Army, the landlord might demand back much more than he had been forced to give up. Nor could the Communists themselves enforce rent reductions everywhere. They simply did not have the, apparatus. All they could do was seek out a few poor peasants and listen sympathetically to their tales of woe. In a few villages, they suggested that these peasants call meetings and publicly tell their troubles. When one or two villages had done just this, the process by contagion spread from village to village throughout the more firmly established guerrilla areas. As the Communists awakened the peasant to his legal rights, each village held meetings at which tenants publicly accused landlords of violating the regulations for rent reduction. This struggle against peonage conditions of rent and also against the high interest rates of the usurers became during the Japanese war the chief element of the peasant movement. A smaller, but still important place was occupied by the struggle of "long-term" workers which brought them into opposition, not only to the landlords but to the rich peasants. The tenant struggled for the alleviation of conditions of rent, the worker for improvement of conditions of labor.

  When these two forces in the villages saw that they could hold landlords accountable for specific deeds of exploitation, they began to go further and demand compensation for other forms of exploitation not necessarily connected with land rents - such as surtaxes, grain levies and labor requisitions. If the landlord saw the ground slipping beneath his feet, there was not much he could do about it. The very farmer who was most active in demanding rent reductions was often an armed militiaman who wanted recompense for the time spent from his fields in guarding the village from the Japanese. Short of turning over to the enemy and calling in his troops, the landlord was, while not powerless, hamstrung.

  In the meantime the peasant demand swelled until it shaped into mass movements, centered around Accusation, Speak Bitterness and Struggle meetings. These were destined to become the organs of the Chinese Revolution.

  一切社会革命,与宫廷政变不同,都具有真正的创造性。在革命时期,那些受旧社会压迫的人们,为了摆脱他们所处的绝境的迫切需要,创造了夺取政权的新形式和新方法。中国农民所创造的各种机构,向中国共产党提示了争取人民群众最有效的途径。这些初期的民意机构意义非同小可,不论如何估计也不致过份。它们并非工会组织,也不是苏维埃,更不是理事会,只不过是一种讲坛,农民可以在这里公开发表他们的意见,倾诉他们的疾苦。这本身就是革命。山西有句俗话:“天下没有穷人的理”,这是千真万确的。一个贫苦的佃户,如果他既没有加入什么秘密会社,又无某位有势力的人物作为靠山,那他就不可能被当作人来看待,只不过是地主收租簿上的一个帐号而已。这类贱民往往连个大名也没有,人们就根据其身体上的某些特征来称呼他们,如“王麻子”、“李歪脖”、“张长耳”,等等。在中国,这样的无名氏比比皆是。正是这一类人物,现在居然在大庭广众中,当着村里的穷哥儿们和财主老爷们,站起来说话了。这本身就是革命,就是宣告与过去彻底决裂。他们一举撕下了禁闭了他们一生的嘴上封条,也就砸碎了禁锢他们的封建枷锁。他们有生以来头一回在这样的场合开口说话,开始时有点不习惯,但一言既出,使如江河奔泻,滔滔不绝地倾诉心头之恨。

  一次又一次,一村又一村我聆听了那些苦大仇深的农民当众倾吐苦水。一个贫苦的农民站了出来,诉说他的父亲是怎样饿死的,因为地主抢走了他们家的粮食去抵阎王债。又一个拖儿带女、靠纺线糊口的寡妇站起来说:“大伙儿瞧瞧,俺死了男人,又没地。俺一年里收不上两斤棉花,可他们硬逼俺交五斤棉花的租子。俺哪里交得起呢!他们就逼俺的孩子们替他们干活。可怜俺一个妇道人家,整天价干的都是男人的活。吃都吃不饱,哪里有力气?还成天挨打受骂……”说到这里,她禁不住痛哭流涕,泣不成声。这是悲愤的泪水,也是出气的泪水。她总算找到了能对之哭诉自己满腹苦楚的人了。

  这不仅具有心理上的意义,而且还具有更广泛的社会意义。一人诉苦,引起众人的共鸣。听众中就有人感到他们有着共同的不幸遭遇,不禁叹道:“唉!俺也受过那份罪啊!”往往一个人还没讲完,另一个就站起来抢着说;“你讲的敢情是够苦的,可听俺说,俺受的苦还要大。”通过这种途径,那些向来各顾各的农民们,有了同病相怜之感。他们开始从政治上进行归纳,不但把自己看作是个人,而且看作是整个社会的一部分。但眼下他们的斗争仍未超出其所在的村子的范围。

  Every social revolution, as distinct from a palace revolt, is truly creative. Out of the urgent necessity to escape from the blind alley where society has cornered them, people in times of revolution invent entirely new forms and methods by which they can struggle to power. So these various organs created by Chinese peasants themselves suggested to the Chinese Communists a way they might most effectively reach the people.

  It is impossible to overestimate the significance of these primitive organs of public opinion. They were not unions, not soviets, not even councils. They were merely instruments whereby the peasant could speak his mind in public and pour out his troubles to a host of sympathetic listeners. This in itself was revolutionary. An old saying in Shansi that "poor man has no right to talk" was literally quite true. A tenant, if he were unaffihiated with a secret society and had no connections with someone of influence, was not a man at all; he was a mere cipher in a landlord's rent equation. Most often, this humble beast did not even have a name, but was called by some aspect of his physical features. Scarface, Crooked Head, Lop Ear - the number of these nameless creatures was legion in the land. For such a man to stand up and speak before his fellow villagers, both rich and poor, constituted by its very nature a revolutionary break with the past. In the same moment that he burst through the walls of silence that had enveloped him all his life, the peasant also tore asunder the chains that had bound him to feudalism. Awkwardly at first the words crawled from his throat, but once the first word passed his lips, there came gushing forth, not only an unarrestable torrent of speech, but the peasant's soul.

  Time and again, in village after village, I have heard these farmers confessing their bitterness to avid listeners. A poor peasant climbs to his feet and tells how his father died of starvation because the landlord took his crops to pay a loan made at an interest rate of 100 percent. Or a landless widow with two children who makes her living from spinning gets up and says: "Look, I have no man, no land. In one year I cannot harvest two catties of cotton. They say I must pay a levy of five catties. But when I cannot get it, they make me give them my children to work for them. Just look at me! I am a woman, but I must work as a man. But I am woek from hunger and I cannot work well. So I am beaten." and she breaks into tears. Tears of relief, as well as anguish, I might add; for at last in her own people she has found the priest to whom she can cry out her sorrows.

  This psychological medal had its reverse social side. For as one man tells his troubles, another listens and identifies his own troubles with the words of the speaker. "My God!" he says to himself, "that happened to me, too." Or, as often happened, one peasant would interrupt another. "That you say is all well enough; but listen to me, my bitterness is much more." By such methods, the typically selfish peasant began to identify himself with other men. He began to generalize politically, to see himself both as an individual and as a part of society. For the moment, however, he confined himself to struggling against conditions in his own village.
  斗争的方法因地而异,在不同的阶段,也有不同的斗争形式。大致而言,早期的斗争可分为两个阶段。第一阶段是农民尝试运用刚刚争取到的发言权的阶段。在第二阶段,他们提出了进行更广泛改革的要求。佃户和长工们开始还认地主为东家,但是一当他们意识到他们有能力打倒地主分田地时,就不满足于减租和涨工钱了,他们要求立即分给他们土地。

  抗战期间,有许多村子里的地主投靠日本人当了汉奸,那里的农民们分地的要求尤为坚决。到了抗战末期,共产党满足了部分群众的要求。但总的说来,在日本人仍然近在咫尺的情况下,他们对农民加以约束,不使发生过火行动。但在日本投降之后,那些贫苦农民就不听这一套了。共产党使他们觉悟到自身的权利,现在他们就要求行使这种权利。这种要求很快遍及整个光复地区,汇成一片惊天动地的怒吼。
  The methods of struggle varied according to local conditions. The methods and forms also changed at various stages of the struggle. But in general the early struggles had two stages. In the first stage the peasant was still testing out his new-found powers of speech. In the next stage, he demanded more sweeping reforms. Both tenant and rural workers had started out by recognizing the landlord as boss, but as soon as they saw the possibility of abolishing all landlords and taking the land, the tenant and the worker ceased to be interested in questions of rent or higher wages. They wanted land of their own. And at once.

  During the war, many landlords had gone over to the Japanese and the demands of the people in these villages were particularly insistent. Toward the end of the war, the Communists gave in to some of these demands, but on the whole they were able to keep the peasants in line as long as the Japanese remained near at hand. With the Japanese surrender, however, poorer peasants could no longer be put off with talk. The Communists had awakened them to their rights and they wanted them. This demand spilled over into areas liberated from the Japanese and soon reached a threatening chorus.