第七章 土地与革命
CHAPTER VII

LAND AND REVOLUTION
第二十九节 地主的破坏与农民的反击
29. Plot and Counterplot
  人们不会那么随便地起来闹革命,推翻旧社会,正如他们不会随便同妻子离婚,另寻新欢一样。中国的农民并非总是自动地向封建堡垒发起猛攻的,共产党往往必须手把手地领导他们冲锋陷阵。而在反封建势力的斗争中,共产党干部也并非总是十分坚决的,有时也需要农民在后面推他们一把。干部与群众的关系,就像是一对深入敌后的侦察兵,他们相互壮着胆,一同进入敌区。开始其中一人有些踌躇,后来另一个人又趔趄不前,最后两人终于并肩向前冲去。

  某些干部之所以发生动摇,其根源在于他们复杂的个人出身。虽然共产党制定了土地改革的方针政策并主持其贯彻,但在农村直接领导运动的却是救国会。往往是三、五个非党干部组成一个工作组,奉派到一个村子去发动群众斗争地主。工作组员的成份相当复杂,他们大多是一些青年学生或知识分子。正如同大多数知识分子一样,他们往往怀着美好的理想,但一旦要落实到行动上时,却又退缩不前了。他们当中许多人之所以能当上干部,主要是因为他们有文化,能知书断字。在中国农村,凡是能知书断字的人,一般都是些地主子女,至少也是富农或中农的子女。干部们所要斗争的对像,正是那些与他们有着共同教养和出身的人,他们的理想激励他们向前进,可是他们出身的影响却拖他们的后腿,阻止他们向自己的同类宣战。然而在干部队伍中,也有不少久经考验、立场坚定的老干部,还有一批具有一定文化的农民子弟,他们是领导这场运动的中坚力量。

  对于农民来说,问题要尖锐得多;与地主的斗争关系到他们的生死存亡。如果尚有别的活路可寻,他们连想都不会想去进行这种形式的斗争。客观环境遇得他们实在走投无路。左邻右舍都在饥饿线上挣扎,家人一一含恨而死,同样的命运在等待着自己。然而在经年累月中慢慢地死去,毕竟比死于旦夕要容易接受一些。就一般的农民而言,当他们面临着将来死于饥饿,或者即刻死于地主的屠刀之下时,选择前者也毕竟要容易得多。

PEOPLE do not revolt against society and commit revolution any more eagerly than a man breaks up a marriage in order to begin a new love affair. In China, the peasant did not always storm the manorial citadels of his own accord; the party often had to lead him by the hand to the assault. Nor did the Communist cadre always rush eagerly against the bastions of feudal power; the peasant sometimes had to push him from behind. Peasant and cadre were like a two-man patrol into enemy territory; they went forward into the unknown by a process of mutual encouragement, first one holding back, then the other, then both rushing forward together.

  What held back the cadre was his complex character. Although the party laid down the land-reform policy and often helped carry it out, it was the National Salvation Association that directly led the movement in the villages. Teams of four and five nonparty cadres would enter a village and try to arouse it against the landlord. The composition of these teams was, contradictory. Very often the cadres were ex-students or intellectuals. As with most intellectuals, they had fine ideas, but drew back when it came to putting the ideas into action. Also, many had become cadres because they could read and write. But anyone in the Chinese countryside who can read and write is generally the son or daughter of, if not a landlord, at least a rich peasant or a middle farmer. Very often the man against whom the cadre had to struggle was the one with whom he had most in common in the way of education and upbringing. Thus, while the cadre's ideas impelled him forward, his inheritance pulled him back from warfare against his own kind. Among the cadres, however, there was a leavening of older, resolute men and also a bitter group of young peasant boys with some education who took the lead in the fight on the landlords.

  As for the peasant, his problem was much more critical. Figiting the landlord to him was a simple matter of life or death. He would not have even considered such a struggle had he seen any other way out. Circumstances had put his back against the wall. His neighbors had starved, his family died; he might be next. But to die slowly is much more easy than to die at once; it was far easier for the average peasant to face the prospect of ultimate death by starvation than to face immediate death from a landlord's sword.

  革命是逼出来的,但开始时往往是旧的传统观念比新的观念具有更大的影响力。当一个农民迈步走向地主宅院时,羁绊他双脚的不仅是恐惧的心理,而且还有两千年来的传统观念。

  革命要求人们为未来贡献出自己的一切,要求人们向传统的道德观念挑战。革命号召农民要天不怕,地不怕,神不怕,鬼不怕,起来反抗地主,反抗孔孟之道,反抗统治阶级的吃人伦理。然而对于农民来说,所有这一切都不是轻易就能做到的。老奸巨滑的地主利用农民的迷信思想,对他们进行欺骗。“你命里注定了要受穷,”地主这样对农民说。农民低头叹道:“是啊,我的命是不好。”地主装出笑脸,把农民所欠的债款减去二厘利。

  Necessity is the god of any revolution. But the old gods often exercise as much, and at first more, influence than the new deity. Not only fear, but also two thousand years of tradition dragged on the peasant's foot as he stepped toward the landlord's mansion.

  Man must surrender everything to the future in revolutions. He has to infringe on the traditional morality. The revolution called on the Chinese peasant to do dangerous and blasphemous things, to defy his landlord, to defy a Confucian-made fate, to defy the ethics of his ruler.

  None of these things came easily to the peasant. The landlord played on his superstitious mind with all the cunning with which years of overlordship had endowed him. "It is your fate to be poor," said the landlord. The peasant would bow his head: "Yes, I guess I have a bad fate." The landlord would smile and reduce interest by 2 percent on the peasant's debt.

  农民从世世代代的经验中认识到,从来官府都是和财主一个鼻孔出气的。难道八路军就不一样?地主就利用这一点大做文章,散布流言蛮语,企图贬低八路军的政府和干部的声誉。

  在山东省的西部有个平阴县,那里的地主从未见过八路军,以为他们跟国民党的官老爷一样,可以用金钱加以收买。在抗日战争将要结束时,这帮地主从群众身上搜括了七万元钱,买了两面锦旗以欢迎“解放英雄”,又向集市上每一个卖小吃的摊贩征收一千元,买了些瓜子花生以慰劳“抗日将士”的家属。实际上买锦旗只花了二万元,茶点的开销也只有三千元,剩下的钱全进了地主的腰包。有些农民对搞这种庆祝会的做法不满,地主低声对他们说:“从古至今,哪一朝官府不贪污受贿?对八路军你们也别抱什么希望。”

  村长致完欢迎词后,一个八路军的干部站起来讲道:“我们知道大伙儿为开这个会出了不少钱,这笔饯一定要还给你们的。”这番话直讲得那些地主一个个目瞪口呆。这不仅使他们丢了面子,而且使他们意识到,他们要对付的这个政府非同一般。于是他们一面对干部阿谀逢迎,一面对群众打击报复。当八路军游击队组织的区公所勒令地主给长工增加工钱时,他们就克扣长工的伙食,甚至连长工点灯的油也不给了。有时在村口站岗放哨的民兵想要点粥喝,村长就训斥他们说;“啊,你们想要喝粥!下一回你们就该想要吃肉了!”然后就强迫这些要粥喝的人出公差替军队搞运输。这样一来,就引起了群众的不满。村长借机召集全村人开大会,并在会上煽动说;“要想吗粥就到区公所要去!”群众一想,连口粥都喝不上,还要被迫去给八路军干活,于是就怨恨起区公所来了。他们抱怨说:“要咱们喝西北风!”不久,区公所给村里调拨了一批救济粮,村长又威吓说:“吃了救济粮就会被八路军抓走。”地主也乘机借题发挥,造谣惑众,说什么“你们都去开会吧,小心八路军把你们给抓走!”结果好多人都躲在家里,不敢去参加开会。

  地主就是采用这样的手段来阻止农民起来斗争。同时,农民本身疑虑重重以及胆小怕事的通病,也使得他们行动起来十分缓慢。在冀南一个衬子里,一部分群众自发地起来清算一个私吞了五千斤公粮的地主。他们把这个地主捆起来送到了区公所,并控告说,“这个家伙杀害过八路军的一位地下工作人员,还贪污了你们的粮食。”他们不敢说那粮食本是属于他们村公有的,因为他们以为八路军是不会替老百姓办事的。

  Tradition had taught the peasant that governments were always on the side of the landlords. Why should the 8th Route Army be any different? The landlords harped on this idea. Everywhere they tried to discredit the cadres and the government in the peasant's eyes.

  In Pingying County in western Shantung, near the end of the Japanese war, the landlords, never having seen the 8th Route Army before, thought the cadres could be bought just like Kuomintang officials. They collected seventy thousand dollars from the people to buy two banners to welcome "the liberation heroes," and at the same time taxed each food stall on the fairgrounds one thousand dollars each in order to by watermelon seeds and peanuts for the families of the "Anti-Japanese fighters." The actual cost of the banners, however, was only twenty thousand dollars while that of the refreshments was but three thousand dollars, the difference being pocketed by the landlords. When a sour note crept into the celebration, the landlords privately told the farmers: "From ancient times till now, every government has grafted; don't entertain any hopes from the 8th Route Army."

  Rising to a speech of welcome, made by a village chief, a cadre said: "We understand you have been taxed for this meeting. This money will be returned to you."

  Dumfounded by this speech, and having lost face, the landlords realized they had to deal with a different kind of government and they began to play up to the cadres, on the one hand, and to maltreat the people, on the other. When the district government organized by 8th Route guerrillas compelled them to raise the wages of long-term workers, the landlords cut down on the workers' food and refused to give them any oil for their lamps. When militiamen, standing guard outside the village walls, asked for some congee (1) , the village chief scolded them: "Oh you want to eat congee! Next thing you'll want to eat meat!" Then he forced "the congee group" to do transport work for the army. When the peasants grumbled, he called a village meeting and said: "Let's all go to the district government and ask for congee." Seeing that they had nothing to eat and that they were also forced to labor for the army, the people were disgusted with the district government. "We are just eating the Northwest Wind," When the district government sent relief food into the village, the village chief warned the people: "Whoever eats this food will be seized by the army." On this theme, the landlords spread many rumors. "You are all going to meetings, but be careful. You may be taken away by the soldiers." As a consequence many steered clear of the meetings and stayed indoors.

  In such ways, the landlord sought to discourage the peasant from rising. The natural suspicions and fears of the peasants themselves also inclined the peasant to go slow. In a village of south Hopei, a group of farmers spontaneously decided to settle with their landlord who had grafted five thousand catties of grain. Having seized him, they brought him to the district government and declared: "He killed an intelligence agent of the 8th Route Army and grafted your grain." They were afraid to say that the grain had belonged to the village because they did not think the 8th Route Army would act for the common people.

原注一:稀粥里的营养少得可怜,算是很低的要求了。村长这是在故意恐吓,想让农民觉得政府什么也不会给。 (1) Congee is a thin gruel, containing little nourishment. The village chief here is being sarcastic at the district government's expense, meaning even this poor food can't be obtained from the government.

  另外,农民在与地主的斗争中,还受到家里人扯后腿。在一个名叫蒲镇的村子里,一个积极分子带一位干部到家里串门,他的母亲对干部说:“俺常听俺儿子念叨你们,俺知道你们八路军都是好样的。可是到头来又能落得个哈呢?”干部走后,父母又对儿子说:“你可得小心呀!”当那些作父母的得知自己的儿子在诉苦大会上带头控诉地主时,一个个惊恐万状。在太行山区,就有一个老农在会后这样训斥自己的儿子:“你干啥非要去出那个风头?你就不会跟在大伙儿后面喊几句口号就得了?”有些人家还为亲朋好友参加斗争地主的大会而担惊受怕。他们惶恐不安地暗自嘀咕:“左邻右舍的这一闹腾起来,咱家就别想过安稳日子了。”

  这种状况在八路军尚未进驻的地区尤为突出。那里的农民一般都不敢提出什么要求。我曾听见一个农民对干部说:“俺只要能吃上一个山药蛋、几粒小米饭就行了。”还有一个受尽了地主欺压的农民对于部说:“让区里把俺抓走吧。过后把俺放掉,回来俺好说,俺被你们抓去训斥了一顿,因为俺不肯诉苦。”还有的在诉苦大会上站起来发言时,总是说:“俺这是替穷人说的,这可不是俺自家的苦。“

  世世代代遗留下来的奴性,不是一朝一夕就能根除的。穷苦的农民在路上遇见了地主,仍然要低头哈腰。然而现在并非所有的人都那样俯首帖耳,许多人已经抬起头来朝前看了。

 

  The farmer was also under great pressure from his family not to struggle against the landlord. In Putsun village, a cadre went home with an active farmer. He was greeted by the farmer's mother with these words: "From what my son says, I know your 8th Route Army is very good, but what will be the last result?" When the cadre left, the father and mother said to their son: "You must take care." Parents were petrified when their sons took the lead in Speak Bitterness Meetings. "Why do you raise your head higher than the rest?" said a farmer in the Taihang Mountains to his son. "Why don't you stay in the common mass and shout slogans in the background?"
Families were also afraid their friends would take part in Struggle Meetings against the landlord. "When my neighbor's house is noisy, how can mine be quiet?" they asked in bewilderment.

  These conditions particularly obtained where the army had not penetrated. In such cases, the demands of the farmers were often very small. "If I can eat a potato and two millet seeds, that will be enough," I heard a peasant tell a cadre. Another peasant who had been very badly treated by a landlord told an official: "Let the chu cadres arrest me. Then release me. I will say: 'You arrested me and scolded me for not revealing my bitterness.'" Others would get up in a meeting and say: "Now, I speak on behalf of others, but this is not my bitterness."

  The remnants of the old servility are hard to shake off. The poor man still bows his head as he passes the landlord in the street. Yet not everybody is looking down now, underfoot. Many are looking forward.

  就在这些表面现像底下,正在发生着重大的变化,而且这种变化完全是自动发生的。老解放区的农民具有斗争传统,发动他们分地并非难事。那里的地主对新政权也有所领教,不敢顽抗。在八路军进驻的地区,地主也不难制服。

  但是在大多数村子里,斗争进行得较缓慢。当时,平原地区的土屋茅舍和山区的简陋窑洞都成了革命的孕育之地。干部们和无地的农民晚上就在这些地方秘密串连。干部们逐步使农民认识到,地主的存在就是他们贫穷的根源。“是啊,要是没有地主,咱的日子要好过得多了。”农民赞同地说。干部们进一步问道:“那你们干吗不起来清算地主,分他的地?”“那咋行啊?人家可是有权有势的。”“你们应该组织起来,”干部回答说,“我来跟你们讲一个故事……”于是他就介绍某村的农民是如何如何清算地主的。一天又一天,一夜又一夜,干部们耐心地对农民做思想工作,帮助他们解除宿命论的束缚。干部们在那些听得入了迷的农民眼前,展示了一个全新的世界。

  只要有一线成功的希望,人们就会为了达到一个神圣的目标而不辞千辛万苦。农民正是如此。他们终于抛弃了最后的一点疑虑,决心要立即行动起来。可是过后一想,又对干部说:“你们可千万不能走!”

  此时地主也并不安分守己。地主毕竟是地主。村子里发生的一切事情都瞒不过他们的耳目。甚至关于秘密串连的情况,他们也了解得一清二楚。他们还从农民的眼神里看出,似乎农民心里在说:“所有的土地全是俺们的。”地主们深知,先发制人为上策。而且他们的力量还相当强。每个地主都豢养了十多个打手,备有梭标棍棒等武器,地主本人还有一支手枪。他们心想,那些乳臭未干的学生加上一帮愚昧无知的穷花子又能把老子怎么样?

  Most important processes are taking place underneath the surfaces, and somehow of their own accord. In the older Liberated Areas, it is a simple matter for the peasants with traditions of struggles to divide the land. The landlords, accustomed to the new regime, hardly put up a fight. In areas occupied by the army, the landlords also go under easily.

  In the greatest number of villages, however, the struggle moves slowly. The mud hut on the plain and the cave of the poor man in the mountains are the chief forges of the revolution in these days. Here, cadres meet secretly at night with landless farmers. Step by step the cadre convinces the peasant that the landlord is at the root of his poverty. "Yes, if only there were no landlord, life would be bearable," agrees the peasant. "But why don't you settle with him and get land for yourself?" says the cadre. "But how? He has all the power." "You must organize," says the cadre. "Let me tell you a story..." and he tells of a village that has settled with its landlord. Day after day, night after night, the cadre works on the peasant, ridding him of the thought that he is doomed. Before the astonished eyes of his listener, the cadre unrolls a whole new world.

  Given a gleam of a livable future, men will undergo any hardship to achieve a sacred goal. So it is with the peasant. Throwing off his last trembling doubts, he agrees that he will take action. "But you mustn't leave me," he adds as an afterthought to the cadre.

  Meanwhile, the landlord has not been quiet. Not for nothing is he a landlord. Everything that is going on in the village has come to his ears. He knows all about the secret meetings. Furthermore, he sees the peasant glancing around with a look that says "All the land is mine."
Well does the landlord know the value of striking first. He still is the power. At his beck and call are ten or fifteen strong-arm men, with spears and clubs, and he himself has a pistol. What can these young students and that stupid tenant do against him? Such were the landlord's thoughts.

  地主先下手了。当一个穷苦的农民正在睡梦中憧憬着遥远的将来一个和平富裕的世界时,地主趁着黑夜偷袭他的家,把他抓去扔进了土牢里。他们还杀害群众中最积极的分子,砍下首级悬挂在村口示众。当发现为数不多的群众在开会时,他们就破门而入,当场把所有的人用梭标扎死。干部也常常惨遭毒手。当得知某干部要到另一个村子去,或者要回县里汇报工作时,他们就派几个“狗腿子”半路拦截行凶,将其杀害后再割掉生殖器,以造成他是因强奸村里的妇女而被杀的假象。村里的老百姓虽然知道真像,但慑于地主的报复,谁也不敢再与干部接近了。

  除了贫雇农之外,农村中的其它阶层也受到了影响,起初,不少小地主也自动地参加了农民群众的斗争。八路军严明的纪律,战士待人和蔼可亲,以及八络军提出的办事要公道、对人要平等的口号,都给他们留下了良好的印象。他们之中有不少人信仰基督教。他们也想要参加清算大汉奸的斗争,就带着《圣经》去见政府干部。他们说:“请看,《圣经》在此亦有所明谕,富人实不该依靠穷人为生。根据《圣经》所言,为富者亦有不仁之徒。”在只涉及到减租和清算汉奸的问题时,农民中的富裕阶层曾经起过重要的作用。然而当土改开始了,地主与贫雇农之间的斗争趋于白热化的时候,他们便开始产生了疑虑,担心土改运动继续发展下去,不知会搞到什么地步为止。

  地主采取的恐怖手段,确实一度干扰了土改运动。然而他们也有扔起石头砸了自己的脚的时候。有一个叫杨家庄的村子,那里的六个地主和三个狗腿子勾结在一起搞了一个对抗土地改革的秘密组织。

  有天晚上,区里派了一个干部去对地主进行劝诫。他质问地主,“这里的群众是通过民主的方式组织起来的,你为什么要反对他们?”地主一听,恼羞成怒,气急败坏地喊道:“群众要干啥关我们的屁事!”话音末落,一个狗腿子举起梭标朝这个干部扎去,一下子就把他的喉咙刺穿了。这个干部惨叫一声,倒在血泊里。群众闻声立刻跑到邻村搬救兵。很快就集合起了三百多人,他们手拿锄头、铁锹赶到了出事地点,当场就把那六个地主给打死了。那几个狗腿子趁着天黑溜掉了。

  就这样,一村接着一村地开始了对地主的反击。在斗争中,农民群众英勇无畏,前仆后继。在平原的土房里,在山区的窑洞中,秘密串连又开始了。在中国辽阔的大地上,正孕育着新的重大流血斗争。

  From thought he passed to action. While the tenant was dreaming of a far-off world of peace and plenty, the landlord descended on him in the night, kidnaped him and threw him in his dungeon. In other cases, he cut off the most active farmer's head and stuck it on the village wall as a warning. Or he broke into a small meeting and speared everyone to death on the spot. Nor did the government cadres always escape his attention either. As the cadre was going from village to village, or walking back to the county seat to report, the landlord would set his "Dog legs" on him. Often, they would castrate him, trying to make it seem as if he had been killed for raping some village woman. The villagers knew differently but, being afraid, they began to avoid the cadres.

  Other strata of the peasantry besides the tenant were also affected. Originally, many of the smaller landlords had joined the people's struggle of their own accord. Not a few of these men were Christians and they had been favorably affected by the strict discipline of the 8th Route Army, the kindliness of the soldiers and also by slogans of justice and equality. Wishing to join the struggles against the bigges.t traitors, they had come to the cadres with their Bibles, saying: "Look, our Bible says here that it is wrong for a rich man to live off the poor. You see even a rich man is not good according to our Bible." So long as it was only a question of rent or settling with the traitors, the upper circle of the peasantry had played a prominent role. But when the land began to be divided and when both the landlords and the tenants lashed out in a fury of violence, the rich peasant began to look with distrust and fear at the spread of the movement, not knowing where it would end.

  Undoubtedly, landlord terror set the movement back. But sometimes it boomeranged. In the village of Yachiachuang, six landowners and three "Dog legs" organized a secret society to oppose the land reforms.

  A district official walked in the night to remonstrate with the landowners. "The people here are organizing in a democratic way," said the cadre. "Why oppose them?" The landlords flew into a rage. "I don't care what the people want,?one shouted angrily. At the same instant a dog leg hurled his spear and cleaved the cadre's throat from front to back. With a dying shriek for help, the cadre fell to the ground, his life's blood gushing from him. Hearing the fight, farmers ran to neighboring villages for help. With picks and shovels a crowd of three hundred peasants broke into the meeting place and beat the six landlords to death. The dog legs escaped in the night.

  In this fashion, one after another, villages began to fight back against their landlords. New peasants sprang to take the places of murdered ones. In huts and caves, in the plains and in the mountains, secret conclaves went on again. Much blood, however, yet remained to be spilled upon the good Chinese earth.