第十章 妇女的反抗
 

CHAPTER X

THE REVOLT OF WOMEN

第四十三节 妇女与革命
43. Sex and Revolution
  金花谈完了她的身世。在她谈话的后半部分,我不断地在想:她现在期望于生活的是什么呢?革命是否使她变成了一个狂热分子,把性的本能升华为政治的要求?她是否变成了一心只想当英雄的女子?她是否把家庭、爱情、恩慕等看成是资产阶级的无聊东西?

  情况当然不是如此。我们来到这里时,金花正在办理离婚手续。这在旧社会是根本不可能的事。她很想再嫁。而且她对于嫁什么样的人,心中有着明确的想法。

  “我想找个思想进步的对象。”她说,“他应该是个无产阶级,不自私自利,不压迫妇女,为人民服务。”

  “我要找一个比我大两三岁、有文化、吃过苦、克服过许多困难的人。

  “我不找有钱人,我要的是工农,一个不怕死的人。我不找资本家,也不要逛窑子或有小老婆的人。这种人剥削穷人,而我正要对这种人进行斗争。

  “我丈夫不是有钱人,可是他站在有钱人一边。他没有穷人的心,而且瞧不起妇女。”

GOLD FLOWER had finished her story. During the latter part of her conversation, I kept wondering what she expected now from life. Had the revolution turned her into a fanatic who sublimated her sexual instincts to the demands of politics? Had she become an ambitious girl who only wanted to be a heroine? Did she think a family, love and affection just so much bourgeois nonsense?

  The answer is an emphatic no. Gold Flower, at the time of my arrival, was just in the process of getting a divorce, which had been impossible in the old society, and she wanted very much to marry again. What is more, she had very definite ideas on the kind of man she wanted to marry.

  "I want to find a progressive," she said, "who will stand amid the working classes. Someone who is not only concerned for himself, someone who will not oppress women and someone who will be responsible in society.

  "I want someone about two or three years older than myself, who is cultured, who has suffered much and who has conquered a lot of difficulties.

  "I don't want a rich man. I want a worker or a farmer, and someone who is not afraid of death. I don't want anyone with factories or prostitutes or concubines. He only steals from the poor. That's my object - to fight against that kind of man.

  "My husband was not rich, but he stood on the side of the rich and he did not have the heart of the poor man and looked down on women."

  “教员怎么样?”我问道。

  “不好,他们不懂新社会,还怕死。他们教人落后。虽然我没上过学,可是我知道教员坏,因为我听他们教出来的学生说:‘将来我要当个阔人,将来我要当官。’那不好。还有,教员不把美国帮助蒋介石的事实告诉孩子们。

  “知识分子呢?”“我反对这种人,”金花说,“他们的心术不正,当然喽,有两种知识分子,一种是用他们的知识压迫人民,另一种是用他们的知识帮助人民。即使他们说要帮助人民建造工厂,我还要仔细看看他们是不是说到做到。”

  我最后猜想,金花的理想丈夫一定是个干部。可是她的回答出乎我的意料,“不,干部听命于上级,只是为了捞到好处。他们不劳动。我们村里有个干部,派他来为我们服务,可是他不干事,还占我们的便宜。

  “对我来说,找个农民最合适。他能带头生产。他生来就忠于穷人,而干部往往不忠于穷人。一个农民比八路军干部更坚决。他像牛马那样勤劳,能克服一切困难,而且自食其力。他对我们国家有很大功劳,虽然没人知道他。”

  最后,我问金花,她想找个有什么样性情的丈夫。她不假思索地回答:

  “他应该比我有文化,这样,他可以教我。比如说,教我识字。要是我记不住,他应一遍一遍地耐心教我。暴性子也不要紧,只要他努力工作,领导人民和武装入民。他脾气不好,我会帮他改掉,让他对地主发脾气,而不是对我。如果他对我暴躁,我就告诉他那将使我们的家庭生活不幸福。我要用爱来感化他。他累了,我给他脱衣服和鞋子,伺候他睡觉。第二天早晨,我要告诉他,只是因为他累了我才这样做,他不能要求我天天这样伺候他,因为那样他就是压迫妇女了。如果他心里不痛快,我就穿上最干净的衣服,把头梳好,打扮得漂亮些,让他看了高兴。然后,我就让他干他所最喜欢的那桩事儿。这样,我用爱教我丈夫爱我,我相信他不会对我不好,而会爱我。”

  "What about a teacher?" I asked.

  "No, he would not be good. He knows nothing about the new society. Teachers fear death. They teach people to be backward. Although I never went to school, I learned that teachers are bad because I have heard school children say: 'Someday I will be a wealthy man; someday I will be an officer.' That is bad. Then teachers don't teach the children that America is helping Chiang Kai-shek."

  "An intellectual?" "I oppose him," said Gold Flower. "He has a curl in his mind, Of course, there are two kinds of intellectuals. Those who use their brains to oppress the people, and those who use them to help the people. If they say they will help us build factories, I must still study them carefully to see if they mean what they say."

  I finally guessed that the ideal husband for Gold Flower would be a cadre. But she surprised me. "No, cadres are loyal to their superiors, but they are just looking for advantages. They do no work. In our village, we had a cadre who was instructed to serve us, but he did nothing, and only got advantages from us.

  "A farmer is the best kind of husband for me. He can lead people to produce. He is loyal to the poor from birth. But a cadre is often not loyal to the poor. A peasant is much more resolute than any of these 8th Route Army cadres. He is like a horse or an ox, but he conquers all difficulties and leads his own life. He has done great deeds for our country, although no one knows him."

  At last I asked Gold Flower what kind of a temperament she was looking for in a husband. Without even pausing to think, she had an answer ready.

  "He should be better educated than me so he could teach me things. For example, he should teach me characters. But if I forget them, he should be patient to teach me again and again. If he has a violent temper, that would be all right, if he employs it in work, to lead people, to arm people. If he had a bad temper, I would help him get rid of it and advise him to use it against landlords, but not against me. I would tell him if he treated me violently that would make our home life unhappy and I would reform him with love. If he were tired, I would take off his clothes and shoes and help him to get to bed, but I would tell him in the morning that I only did so because he was tired, and he could not expect me to do it every night as he would be oppressing women. If he were sad or unhappy, I would put on my cleanest clothes for him, comb my hair and try to make myself look beautiful so that I would be pleasing in his sight. And then I would do that thing which he liked best to do. Thus, with love, I would teach my husband love and I am sure he would not treat me badly, but would love me, too."

  我惊奇地看着这位纯朴的农村女子。按西方标准她是粗鲁的。她穿的布裤沾着粪汁。她没识几个字,她正在每天向村里的小学生学三个字。她往地上吐痰,毫无淑女的仪态。她用手背揩鼻涕。她不是什么交际花,而是个普通的女人。

  我不想根据金花这个女子的身世就演绎出一整套社会或政治的哲理。她不是个典型,然而有她突出的特点。在广大中国农村里,身世与她相似的人不可胜数。中国妇女受到非人的待遇是世所共知的。但是,这种待遇的社会的、政治的和宗教的含义及其对革命的重要性,却不为人们所充分认识。

  三千年来,中国的政治权力始终与对妇女的控制有着密切的关系。当然没有证据说明中国社会经过了我们现在所见到的某种原始公社阶段。不过,考察一下原始社会,可能有助于弄清楚妇女在中国的权力斗争中所起的作用。从我们所了解的早期人类的情况来看,似乎可以有把握地说,人类历史上的初始的政治和社会革命是由战争引起的。这种战争是不同的男人集团在其势力所达到的范围内争夺财产的斗争。在原始社会中,这些财产往往就是妇女。弗洛伊德的《图腾和禁忌》一书中所写的一群兄弟起来反对一个氏族长老垄断妇女的故事,从心理学的角度揭示了这样一个事实:在原始社会里,政治权力就是对女性的控制权。德朱维内尔在《论权力》一书中指出,澳大利亚原始野人的财富的唯一表现形式就是他们的侍女。这些妇女非常宝贵,她们完全为长老们独占,所以长老们的妻妾不断地增加,而年轻人却一无所有。氏族社会中长老的绝对权力,主要表现在对从邻近氏族掠夺来的妇女的占有上。青年人对长老的专制不满。他们袭击别的氏族,掠得妇女归己所有,从而提高了他们在本氏族里的地位,逐渐改变了政治权力的对比。

  虽然情况远为复杂,但是,中国宗法社会也植根于家长的地位以及他们对作为物质财产源泉的妇女的占有。在农村,对妇女的控制历来集中在有产阶级手中。拥有庞大家庭的总是地主,而不是普通贫民。穷苦农民极少有一个以上妻子的。然而,族长和地主们却是妻妾无数、婢女成群。她们不仅用自己的劳动为地主创造了财富,而且为地主生育了众多的子孙,从而使他们获得地方政治权力。笔者在河南省遇到一个地主,他全家有六十九口人。通过这个家族他控制着七百个佃农、三十个奴婢、二百个雇农和七个奶妈,这些奶妈用自己的奶汁喂养他的众多子孙。他有钱,所以能够买卖妇女;他拥有许多女人,所以他的势力强大。

  I looked at this simple farm girl in amazement. She was crude by Western standards. She wore cotton pants stained with manure from the fields. She could scarcely read, though she was learning from the village school children three characters every day. She spit on the floor in no ladylike fashion. She wiped her nose with the back of her hand. She was no glamor girl. But she was a woman.

  I do not wish to make a whole social or political philosophy out of the story of one girl like Gold Flower. She was not a type, but an individual in her own dramatic right. Yet her story has been multiplied to infinity throughout the length and breadth of rural China. The inhuman treatment of Chinese women is well known. But the social, political and religious implications of this treatment, along with its revolutionary significance, has not been given much attention.

  For the last three thousand years political power in China has been intimately associated with the control of women. There is, of course, no proof that Chinese society passed through stages in which we now see certain savage communities. Nevertheless, a reference to primitive societies may help clarify the role women have played in the battle for power in China. From everything we know of early man it seems safe to say that the first political and social revolutions in human history were caused by wars - that is, the effort of groups of men to secure for themselves more goods than were within their immediate reach. In savage societies these goods were often women. Freud's Totem and Taboo - the story of the revolt of a band of brothers against a tribal father's monopoly of women - as an exposition in psychological terms of the fact that political power in primitive society was synonymous with control of the female sex. Jouvenel in his book, On Power, (1) points out the only form of wealth among Australian savages was their serving maids. These women were so valuable that they were monopolized by the elders whose concubines were always on the increase while the young men had to do without. The absolutist power of the father in clan society came mostly from the possession of women taken in forays against neighboring clans. When young men, chafing at the domination of the Elders, raided enemy tribes for women of their own, their status in their own tribe grew and consequently they altered the balance of political power.

  Though vastly more complicated, the patriarchal Chinese society has also rested on the position of the Elders and their possession of women as material sources of wealth. Historically, control of women has been concentrated in the hands of the rural possessing classes. It was the gentry, and not the common peasant, who always had the largest families. The poor peasant seldom had more than one wife, but clan leaders and landlords had numerous wives, concubines and slaves girls who not only produced wealth for the landlord by their own labor but also produced numerous sons which gave the gentry local political power. In Honan Province the writer came across a landlord who had a family of sixty-nine members. Through this family, he controlled seven hundred tenant farmers, thirty slave girls, two hundred squatters and seven wet nurses who breast-fed his numerous brood. He was able to buy and sell women because of his wealth and he was also powerful because he possessed women.

原注一:《论权力》,德·茹弗耐勒,纽约维京出版社,1949 (1) on Power, Bertrand De Jouvenel, The Viking Press, N. Y., 1949.
  妇女当奴隶、成为私有财产和统治阶级传宗接代工具的地位,不仅对总的中国社会、甚至对国家的结构,下至农村上至朝廷,都产生了影响。家庭是培养对国家权力效忠精神的训练所。父亲是家庭里的最高独裁者。女性服从男性,儿子服从父亲,这是农民服从乡绅,佃农服从地主以及地主服从国家统治者的自然反映。从上边的叙述中应该清楚地看出,任何全面解放妇女的运动,必将导致整个社会金字塔的倾覆,导致争夺权力的各种力量消长的巨大变化,这就是为什么共产党人为妇女的平等而那样奋斗,而国民党那帮封建道学家则抓住一切机会猛烈抨击共产党“破坏”中国家庭。对于共产党,解放妇女乃是打碎旧势力的一种手段;而对于国民党,继续束缚妇女乃是保持权力的一种手段。

  妇女的不平等地位也深深地反映在中国的哲学和宗教中。中国的玄学认为生命中有两种力量发生作用:处于主导地位的阳和处于从属地位的阴。这样,统治阶级的哲学家们便把妇女应该低于男人一等说成是自然法则。中国的道德观很少反对虐持妇女的现象。相反,据非常有见识的传教士亚瑟·史密斯说,儒教在现实生活中对妇女犯下了七条大罪。我把他的话归纳于下:

一、不让中国妇女受教育,使她们思想闭塞,无数的中国妇女被认为根本没有思想。

二、妻子、女儿可以象牛马一样随便被出卖。

三、女子婚姻不自主,使中国社会墨守成规,个性毫无发展余地。

四、纳妾是儒教实行祖先崇拜的自然结果,因为它要求多子多孙来奉祀先人。

五、女人不能履行祭祖的职责,所以女婴常常被父母弄死。

六、中国的家庭制度经常导致妻子和女儿自杀,这样高的死亡率令人信服地证明中国妇女所忍受的痛苦。

七、最后,祖先崇拜的信条和妇女的不平等地位助长了中国人口的过度增长。

  中国妇女地位的低下,不仅给妇女本身带来可怕的结果,同时也造成社会上人与人之间各方面的关系遭到败坏。蒋介石政府统治中国的二十年间作了一些改进,但是成绩不大。

  Not only Chinese society in general, but even the structure of the state, from the village at the bottom to the throne at the top, was definitely influenced by the status of women as slaves, private property, labor powers and producers of sons for the ruling classes. The family was a training ground for loyalty to state authority. The father was the supreme autocrat in the family. Submission of female to male and of son to father found its natural reflection in submission of peasant to gentry, tenant to landlord and landlord to state ruler. From the foregoing it should be obvious that any all-out attempt to free women could only result in the upheaval of the whole social pyramid and a tremendous change in the correlation of forces struggling for power. That is why the Communists fought so hard for equality of women and why the more feudal-minded moralists of the Kuomintang never lost an opportunity to inveigh against the Communist "Destruction" of the Chinese family. In the first case, the freeing of women was a means of breaking the old power; in the second case, shackling of women was a means of preserving the power.

  The inequality of women has also been deeply reflected in Chinese philosophy and religion. Chinese metaphysics recognizes two forces at work in life: the Yang or dominant male element and the Yin or subordinate female element. Thus the philosophers of the ruling classes made it a law of nature that women should be inferior to man. Chinese ethics have seldom fought against the evil treatment of women. On the contrary, practical Confucianism, in the words of Arthur Smith, a very wise missionary, committed seven deadly sins against women. I paraphrase his words here:

1. Chinese women are provided with no education and their minds are left in a state of nature and millions of them are supposed to have no minds at all.

2. Wives and daughters are sold as readily as cattle and horses.

3. Compulsory marriage of all girls forces Chinese society into castiron grooves and leaves no room for individual development.

4. Concubinage is the natural result of the Confuci~in practice of ancestor worship which demands that sons be raised to worship a man when he is gone.

5. Since women cannot perform the duties of ancestor worship, girl children are often murdered by their parents.

6. The family system has resulted in the suicide of wives and daughters, and the death rolls are convincing enough proof of the woes endured by Chinese women.

7. Finally, the doctrines of ancestor worship and inequality of women help in the overpopulation of the country.

  The lowly position of Chinese women not only had a terrible effect on the women themselves, but also succeeded in degrading and debauching all human relations within society. The Chiang Kai-shek government in its twenty-year rule over China produced some improvement, but not much.

  不错,蒋介石本人信奉自由婚姻,并且同中国最美貌的女人之一结了婚。在上海、北平和香港,有一些中国妇女享有近似美国妇女的自由,这也是事实。但是,在中国农村,特别是在华北农村,妇女的地位比五十年前好不了多少。实际上,考虑到过去十年中买卖妇女的数量惊人增长情况,可以相当肯定地说,中国妇女的命运与过去差不多,甚或更坏了。蒋介石政权之所以未能改进农村妇女的地位,甚至往往还使之恶化,其原因部分是由于战祸,部分是由于蒋介石恢复了使中国妇女处于低下地位的哲理基础——新儒教。但更重要的是国民党从未认真解决半封建的土地关系。而这种关系如不废除,势必使农村妇女永远处于农奴地位,并使大批的男子也和她们一起处于这种地位。

  然而,处于低下地位的不仅仅限于农村妇女。绝非如此。在中国的文化古都北平,迫于贫困和父母之命令而卖淫的中小学女生数以百计。这种活动往往是父母守在门外、女孩子的自行车和教科书放在床边的情况下进行的。在蒋介石的首都南京夫子庙一带有着一排一排的房子,男人们在那里公开向过路行人兜售自己的妻子。那些房屋并不是妓院,而是住家。如果顾客很匆忙,丈夫便叫妻子放下饭碗或喂着奶的婴儿,赶紧同顾客上床。

  蒋介石的金融中心上海也许是世界上贩卖妇女的最大市场。年轻的女性不断地被从农村弄到上海来,象商品一样投入市场,卖给人当包身工、丫头、小老婆、妓女,等等。而且,她们大部分人对于自己的去路毫无发言权。尽管蒋介石夫人鼓吹新生活运动,上海不仅成了世界上最大的卖淫中心之一,而且拥有一些世界上最大的妓院。实际上,中国的许多旅馆,包括上海繁华大街上的永安公司属下的大东旅馆、先施公司的东亚酒店以及扬子酒店,也不过是高级妓院罢了。这些饭店的每层楼上都配备着一定数目的姑娘,有时候一层楼专门配有某个省的姑娘。在大多数情况下,这些姑娘都没有自由,而是属于某些男人或男人集团所有,有时候也属于某些女人所有。这些姑娘往往由于太害怕或太幼稚,无论受到怎样蹂躏都不敢抗议。新从农村弄来的姑娘偶尔奋身反抗,其结果是她们被用链子拴在床上,受到香烟头的烙烫,直到她们顺从主人的要求为止。

  强迫妇女卖淫造成了中国社会的一种物质上和精神上的裂痕。然而,在家庭里比较正常的两性关系中,这种裂痕导致了非常革命的后果。某些好古的西方人宣传一种理论说,中国妇女喜欢她们在社会中所处的低微地位。这纯粹是胡说八道。中国妇女不爱折磨她们的那种关系。她们毫不认为自己低微的生活地位有何“可爱之处”,而是把它看作是她们受奴役的条件。

  “当官靠印把;老虎靠山林;女人靠丈夫。”

  “买马任我打,娶妻任我欺。”

  “女人发火男人揍,男人发火揍女人。”

  太行山区的妇女们告诉我的这些俗话,足以说明她们完全认识到自己在中国社会中所处的低下地位,并且不喜欢这种地位。备受赞美的中国家庭制度,对她们来说只不过是压迫她们的制度而已。

  It is true that Chiang Kai-shek, himself, believed in freedom of marriage and that he was wedded to one of the most charming women in China. It is also true that in Shanghai, Peiping and Hongkong there were Chinese women who had freedoms somewhat approaching those possessed by American women. But in the countryside, particularly the North China countryside, the position of women was little better than it was fifty years ago. In fact, when you considered that the buying and selling of women had increased in alarming proportions during the last decade, it was almost safe to say that the lot of Chinese women was as bad, or worse, than it had ever been. The reason the Chiang Kai-shek regime could not improve the status of rural women, and very often made it worse, was partly because of the ravages of war, partly because the generalissimo revived neo-Confucianism, the philosophic base for women's inferiority, but above all it was due to the fact that the Kuomintang never squarely faced up to the semifeudal land relationships which, unless abolished, guaranteed that farm women would remain serfs and, with them, a great proportion of men, too.

  This inferior condition of women, however, was not confined to the countryside. Far from it. In Peiping, the ancient capital of Chinese culture, the numbers of middle and primary school girls who were forced by the press of poverty and the orders of their parents to perform amorous acts for money ran into the untold hundreds. Many such acts were performed with the mother and father outside the door and the girl's bicycle and schoolbooks by the bed. In Chiang Kai-shek's capital at Nanking, in the Futzemiao district, there were row upon row of houses where men openly peddled their wives to stray passers-by. These were not houses of prostitution, but family homes, and if a prospective customer was in a hurry, the husband directed his wife to leave her dinner or the baby she was nursing and go to bed immediately with patrons.

  Shanghai, Chiang Kai-shek's financial center, was probably the greatest market place for women in the world. Bought and sold just like merchandise, which is what they were, young females were constantly raked out of the villages and thrown into the Shanghai market in the form of slaves, factory workers, maidservants, concubines and whores. Moreover, many of them had little say in what disposition should be made of them. Despite Madame Chiang Kai-shek's New Life Movement, Shanghai was not only one of the biggest centers of prostitution in the world, but also boasted some of the world's biggest whorehouses. In fact, many Chinese hotels, including the larger ones such as Wing On's, Sincere's, the Yangtze and others, on the main streets of Shanghai, were nothing but glorified whorehouses. Every floor in these hotels had its own quota of girls and sometimes each floor specialized in the women of a certain province. In most cases, these girls were not free, but were owned by men or groups of men and sometimes by women. Most often the girls were too scared or too ignorant to protest about the use to which they were put, but sometimes new arrivals from the country tried to fight back, with the result that they were chained to their beds and burned with lighted cigarettes until they became amenable to the demands of their masters.

  The enforced prostitution of women resulted in a material and spiritual cleavage of Chinese society. But it was in the more normal sexual relations in the home that this schism produced its most revolutionary effects. Certain atavistic Westerners have promulgated the theory that Chinese women liked their modest position in society. This is utter nonsense. Chinese women had no love for their galling bonds. They saw no "harm" in their modest life roles, but only the terms of their enslavement.

  "Officials depend on seals; tigers depend on mountains; women depend on their husbands."

  "If I buy a horse, I can beat it; if I marry a wife, I can do as I like."

  "When a woman is angry, her husband beats her; when he is angry, he also beats her."

  Such sayings told to me by women in the Taihang Mountains clearly enough reveal that they were perfectly aware of their lowly position in Chinese society and had no liking for it. The well-publicized Chinese family system was, to them, just an institution for oppression of their sex.

  中国妇女对自己在社会中的地位非常不满意,所以常常希望来世投生为狗,可以爱去那里就去那里,而不被日夜关在丈夫的家里。她们大概只有在被拐或被卖掉时才离开家门。

  结婚对妇女来说是一种非常可怕的前景,以致有些地方的姑娘组成姐妹会,对天发誓绝不嫁人,认为婚后的生活是悲惨和渎圣的。直到近几年还常发生因为一个成员被父母逼迫出嫁而造成姐妹会集体自杀的事件。这种对社会纲常的坚决反抗,当然在社会上产生了一种具有革命意义的分裂趋向。

  而且这种社会分裂还扩大到男性。妇女得不到解放,男人也不会有自由,这样说一点也不夸张,由于为了早生儿子来祭祀祖先男孩和女孩一样被迫早婚。男孩在十岁就结婚绝非少有,虽然比较普通的是十四、五岁结婚。我所讲过的关于地老鼠的故事,非常清楚地说明男孩子并不比女孩子更喜欢早婚。男孩子经常逃离自己的小新娘,这也是促使他们参加八路军的一个很大因素。比男子逃离自己所不喜欢的新娘更加惊人的现象,是社会经常有意地强迫丈夫虐待他们所钟爱的妻子。我在山西省沁源县丁胡村见过一个青年农民受其父的逼迫打自己的妻子。他本来拒绝打,但是儒家的孝道使他不得不几乎每天都把妻子打得死去活来。他如果拒绝这样,他就会很容易地被投入当地官府或地主的土牢里去。由于不能忍受妻子的哭叫和自己精神上受的折磨,他最后从家里逃跑了。这种情况只能使蒋介石社会制度腐朽的因素又增加一个。

  强迫婚姻以及两性关系方面其他极不合理现象所造成的中国社会的完全僵化,把农村青年逼到忍无可忍的地步,使他们随时准备拼死挣脱枷锁,对旧社会实行反抗。共产党宣布的土改给他们带来了这种机会。

  这正是金花的故事之所以重要的一部分原因。当然象对待中国其他事物一样,谈论这个问题时也必须有所保留。俗话说得好:“相隔十里,习俗不一”。因此,妇女的反抗并不总是象金花村里那样激烈和彻底。然而,妇女地位的改变,即使是比较和平和革命性差一点,也对家庭、政府、农业、宗教和战争产生了深远的影响。至于对中国社会终极的影响如何,那是笔者也不敢预言的。毫无疑问,即使是革命性的变革,也将是慢慢地实现的,东方的一切事情都是如此。

  So little did the Chinese women think of their position in society that often they wished to be born dogs in the next existence so that they might wander where they chose, instead of being shut inside their husband's home night and day. Almost the only time they could leave their homes was when they were kidnaped or sold.

  Marriage was such a terrible prospect for women that in some places they formed sisterhoods, composed of maidens who swore vows to heaven never to get married, believing that their married lives would be miserable and unholy. Until recent years there were cases where bands of maidens committed suicide because one of their number was forced by her parents to be married. Such determined opposition to the laws of society, of course, produced a revolutionary cleavage in that society.

  But this schism in the social body extended over into the male population, too. It is no exaggeration to say that men cannot be free until their women are free. The necessity of producing sons for ancestor worship forced boys into early marriage as well as girls. It was by no means uncommon for boys to be married at the age of ten, though fourteen or fifteen was more usual. That the boys liked this little better than the girls is very clearly evident from the story I have already told of the Field Mouse. So often did boys run away from their child brides that it became a very big factor in the formation of the 8th Route Army. More striking than the phenomenon of men running away from unwanted brides was the dreadful fact that society often forced husbands deliberately to mistreat wives they loved. In Tinghu village in Chingyuan County of Shansi Province, I came across a peasant boy who had to beat his wife on the order of his father. He tried to refuse, but because of the Confucian code of filial piety he could do nothing but beat her insensible almost every day. Had he refused, he could very easily have been thrown into the magistrate's or the landlord's dungeon. Unable to stand his wife's cries or his own spiritual torture, he finally ran away from home. Such incidents only produced another factor into the decay of the Chiang Kai-shek social regime.

  Compulsory marriage and other evils related to sex forced Chinese society into cast-iron grooves so that the peasant youth of the country, brought to a hysterical boiling point, was in a mood to shatter their bonds and revolt against society, even against life itself, at the first given opportunity. Such an opportunity came to them with the land reform promulgated by the Communists.

  That is part of the significance of Gold Flower. Of course, as in everything else in China, one must speak of this subject with reservations. "Customs change every ten li," says a proverb which is true enough. Therefore, the revolt of women was not always as violent nor as complete as in Gold Flower's village. Yet even the more peaceful and less revolutionary changes in the position of women have exercised a far-reaching effect on family and home, government and agriculture, religion and war. What will be the ultimate effect on Chinese society is something that the writer does not dare predict. Undoubtedly, changes, revolutionary as they are, will come slowly, as does everything in the Orient.

  这方面我想讲一个发生在上面提到的山西省丁胡村的很短的也是最后的故事:虽然这个村子座落在山里,那里的情况可以想象是极落后的,但是丁胡村的妇女们却不裹脚,也不下地干活。这里的妇女一般都希望嫁给地主。“嫁汉!嫁汉!穿衣吃饭。”这就是她们的格言之一。但是她们对结婚的快乐并不抱什么幻想,这一点正如另两句谚语所表明的那样:“线穿针,夫管妻”,“女人好比小推车,三天不打用不得。”

  抗日战争以前,丁胡村只有六个妇女下地干活,她们不是寡妇就是士兵的家属。她们扛着锄头走在街上和弄脏衣服从地里回来时,总遭人耻笑。为避开村里人无情的嘲笑,她们只好绕道而走或者天黑以后才回家。村里的男人也看不起下地劳动的妇女。关于这点竟然也有个谚语:“男人干活处处有成果,女人只会做清水汤”。

  丁胡村有个名叫詹淑英的妇女,因为小时候出过天花,留下一脸麻子。十七岁那年嫁给了一个三十五岁的农民。婚前,她的丈夫就经常同村里其他女人鬼混。由于詹淑英长得不漂亮有非常没有经验,所以满足不了丈夫。结果丈夫夜里继续到外边同别的女人睡觉。过新年时,大家都到街上唱歌、扭秧歌。可是,詹淑英不敢参加,因为感到太羞耻,甚至都不敢出去看看。

  一九四零年在减租运动中,淑英参加了妇女会。这使她婆婆很不满意。实际上,婆婆的不满发展到这种地步,不等淑英开会回来就把东西全吃光。丈夫和婆婆吃粥,媳妇只有清水汤喝。当她要一套新布衣穿时,家人告诉她说:“一套衣裳新三年,旧三年,缝缝补补又三年。”

  一九四一年,政府发动了大生产运动,詹淑英买了一部纺车。她纺线挣的钱足够全家买三套新衣服和买全家吃的盐。因为她的劳动好,她被选为妇女会主任。接着她进了冬学,学了几百个字,并鼓励其他妇女也学习。后来,妇女们相互间发生口角时都来找詹淑英调解。她在村里的地位逐渐地提高了。

  当抗日战争造成村里的经济生活极为困难时,詹淑英领导妇女挖麦根当柴烧,摘山桃核榨油。后来,她学会了织布,又学会了做鞋,最后,她把家里需要干的话差不多都包下了。这样一来,婆婆待她好了,开会回来给她热饭吃了。一九四三年,詹淑英被选为丁胡村的织布英维。婆婆逢人就大声地夸自己的儿媳妇。詹淑英的丈夫发现自己的妻子是当地最有声望的女人,夜里也就不再出去鬼混了,并且越来越愿意同妻子睡觉,甚至还买了些他认为可以帮她生育的药。

  现在,妇女是农村中一股正在兴起的力量。一九四三年丁胡村举行了第一次选举。但是,村长是在没有一个妇女投票的情况下选出来的。詹淑英和其他妇女宣布不承认新村长。男人们只是笑笑,置之不理。于是,詹淑英发动妇女们不同丈夫睡觉。最后,男人们不得不认输,答应重新选举。这次选举非常激烈,妇女们在选举令取得很大的胜利,获得了副村长的职位,同时也成功地使一位妇女当选为教育主任。

  在这之前,丁胡村只有六个妇女出门干活。到了一九四一年,参加割麦的有十三人,播种的十人,间麦苗的十人,担水的三人,砍柴的三人。到一九四三年,参加劳动的妇女人数增至一百零一人。根据县政府的统计,那一年全县有二千名妇女纺线。再过一年,全县一万一千名妇女中纪有八千名有纺车。由于将近百分之八十的妇女参加生产劳动,所以,农村的经济状况提高得很快。

  这就是翻身运动给丁胡村妇女带来的一些好处。这些好处是精神上的、心理上的,同时也是物质上的。这一切都对内战产生了巨大的影响。在许多农村中妇女们行使的权力比男人更多,而且往往是比自己的丈夫或兄弟更热烈地支持八路军。

  In this connection I would like to tell a story - a short one and the last one - about the previously mentioned village of Tinghu in Shansi Province.

  Although this village was located in the mountains where you would expect conditions to be most backward, the women of Tinghu did not have bound feet, but neither did they work in the fields. It was a widespread ambition of these women to marry landlords. "Marriage! Marriage! Clothes to wear; food to eat," was one of their proverbs. However, the women were under no illusions about the joys of marriage, as two other proverbs show. "The thread controls the needle; a husband controls his wife." "Women are like wheelbarrows (2); if not beaten for three days they cannot be used."

  Before the Japanese war, there were only six women in Tinghu who worked in the fields. Of these, all were either widows or wives of soldiers. People laughed at them when they carried hoes on their shoulders through the street, and when the women came back in dirty clothes from the fields, they returned by a roundabout way or after dark in order to avoid cruel village jibes. The men of the village also looked down on women who worked. In this connection, there was also a proverb! "Man's labor produces everywhere; women can only make water soup."

  In Tinghu, there lived a woman named Chan Shu-ying. She had smallpox when she was young and as a consequence her face was rather unattractive. When seventeen, she was married to a farmer, aged thirty-five. Before marriage, the husband had frequent intercourse with other village women. Since Cha.n Shu-ying was not pretty and very inexperienced, she could not satisfy her husband who continued to go out at night and sleep with other women. On the New Year's festival when all the others were out in the street singing and dancing the Yangko, Chan Shu-ying did not dare participate and was too ashamed even to go and look on.

  In 1940, during the rent-reduction movement, the girl entered the Women's Association, much to the dissatisfaction of her mother-in-law. In fact, the mother-in-law came to hate the girl so much that she ate up all the food before Shu-ying could get home from the meeting. When the husband and the mother ate gruel, the girl only got water soup. When she asked for a new suit of cotton clothes, she was told: "A suit of clothes should be divided into three stages: new for three years, old for three years, rags for three years."

  In 1941, the government started a production drive and Chan Shuying bought a spinning wheel. Through her spinning she earned enough money to buy three new suits of clothes for the family and all the salt the family used. Because of her work, she was elected chairman of the Women's Association. Then she entered the winter schools, learned a few hundred characters and encouraged other women to learn also. Soon, when women became involved in arguments with one another, they came to Chan Shu-ying and asked her to act as mediator. Gradually, her status in the village grew.

  When the Japanese war pressed hard on the economic life of the village, Chan Shu-ying led the women to dig up wheat for firewood and to grind the pits of mountain peaches for oil. Later she learned to weave cloth, then to make shoes and finally almost everything needed by her family in the home. As a result, her mother-in-law began to treat her better, having a hot meal ready when the girl came back from her women's meetings. In 1943, Chan Shu-ying was elected the Spinning and Weaving Heroine of Tinghu, and her mother-in-law boasted loudly to everyone of her daughter's accomplishments. Finding that he was married to a woman of great local prestige, the husband of Chan Shu-ying ceased going out at night, desired more and more to sleep with his wife and even bought some medicine that he thought might help her give birth to children.

  Women were now a growing power in the village. In 1943, Tinghu held its first election. But the village chief was chosen without a single woman having voted. Chan Shu-ying and other women declared they would not recognize the new village chief. The men laughed and appeared indifferent. But Chan Shu-ying encouraged the women not to sleep with their husbands, and finally the men had to surrender and allow a new election. The voting was extremely heated and the women were so successful in getting out the vote that they captured the office of vice-village chief and also succeeded in getting a woman elected as head of the Education Bureau.

  Before the rise of women in Tinghu, there had only been six women working outside the home. By 1941, there were thirteen women engaged in cutting wheat rows, ten in planting new seeds, ten picking young wheat, three water carriers and three wood cutters. By 1943, the number working had increased to ioi. In the whole county, that year, according to the county government, there had been two thousand women spinners. By the next year of the eleven thousand women in the county, eight thousand had spinning wheels. With nearly 80 per cent of the women engaged in producing something useful, the economic welfare of the villages rose rapidly.

  Such were some of the benefits that the overturning movement brought to the women of Tinghu village. These benefits were spiritual and psychological as well as material, and they all had profound effects on the civil war. In many villages, women exercised more power than men and very often they were much more passionate supporters of the 8th Route Army than were their husbands or their brothers.

原注二:这是一句歧视妇女的俗语:轮圈的铁质边缘要敲打才能成型,女人也是一样。 (2) It is necessary to beat the iron rim on the wheel to keep it in shape. So with a woman.
  这便是中国内战内幕的一部分,也是美国对华政策失败的原因之一。蒋介石不听中国妇女的痛苦呼声而使自己遭到了可怕的报复和应有的惩罚。美国对华干涉政策的设计师们不顾、甚至于完全不了解中国妇女的需要和她们在内战中的作用,他们所提出的关于中国内战的理论以及他们所竭力强加于美国和中国人民的政策,竟与现实毫无关系。

  这决不是牵强附会的说法。从抽象的定义出发不可能了解中国的战争和革命。必须了解人。中国妇女的痛苦、烦恼和绝望已被革命之火烧成一种充满快乐、自豪和希望的新感情,这是对全世界都具有巨大意义的一种现象。妇女的反抗深深地震撼了中国,甚至也可能震撼我们这个强大国家的基础。然而,政治评论家们却忽视这些农村妇女,似乎她们在世界历史舞台上正在上演的这出戏剧中没有扮演什么角色。自己生活也让别人生活、吃饭并生育后代,这是人类的基本要求,在这点上中国人同其他人没什么区别。有意义的是,正是在吃饭和妇女的问题上,中国共产党人以百折不挠的精神和巧妙的智谋努力工作。由于消除了农民对吃饭问题的担心和妇女对夫妻关系的恐惧,共产党入在农村中引起了巨大希望,他们正是乘着这种激情的波涛而取得节节胜利的。

  共产党人是不是把改造男女之间的关系作为取得政权的一种手段,达并不要紧;问题也不在于他们是否真诚。但事实是他们已经给妇女指出了她们可以为之奋斗的目标。

  读到这里,诸位可能认为我过份强调了妇女问题在革命和政治中的重要性。大家也许认为我对妇女的同情影响了我的政治判断力。我自己并不这样看。如果不存在可资一个新集团作为依靠力量的被剥夺了权力的广大人民群众,任何革命——不管是好的还是坏的——都不可能发生。在中国妇女身上,共产党人获得了几乎是现成的、世界上从未有过的最广大的被剥夺了权力的群众。由于他们找到了打开中国妇女之心的钥匙,所以也就找到了一把战胜蒋介石的钥匙。

  This is part of the inner history of the Chinese civil war, just as it is part of the story of the failure of American policy in China. Chiang Kai-shek, in failing to heed the tortured cries of Chinese womanhood, brought on himself a terrible vengeance and a just retribution. The architects of American intervention in China, by ignoring, even being totally unaware of the needs of Chinese women and the part they played in the civil war, evolved theories about that war and tried to force policies on the American and Chinese people that had little relation to reality.

  There is nothing farfetched in these statements. It is lmpossible to understand war and revolution in China in abstract terms. It is necessary to understand human beings. The fact that the pain, anguish and despair of Chinese womanhood has been transmitted by revolutionary fires into new feelings of joy, pride and hope is a phenomenon of tremendous significance for all the world. The revolt of woman has shaken China to its very depths and may shake the foundations of even this strong country. Yet political commentators ignore these peasant women as if they had no part in the drama now being enacted on the stage of world history.

  To live and cause to live, to eat food and beget children, these are the primary wants of men, and Chinese are no different from other people in this respect. Significantly, it is to these problems of food and sex that the Chinese Communists have addressed themselves with resolute fury and cunning wisdom. In abolishing the peasant's fear for his food supply and the woman's dread of her sex relationships, the Communists have raised tremendous hopes in the villages and on the waves of these emotions they are riding everywhere to power.

  It makes little difference that the Communists may be reforming the relations between the sexes as a means of obtaining power. Their sincerity is of no import at all. The fact remains they have given women a goal toward which they can fight.

  At this point, it may occur to the reader that I am overemphasizing the importance of sex in revolution and politics. Perhaps you may think that I am letting my sympathies for women run away with my political judgments. I do not believe so. No social revolution - either good or bad - ever took place without the existence of a great mass of disinherited people who could furnish a new group with a base of support. In the women of China, the Communists possessed, almost ready made, one of the greatest masses of disinherited human beings the world has ever seen. And because they found the key to the heart of these women, they also found one of the keys to victory over Chiang Kai-shek.