第十二章 独夫单挑人民

CHAPTER XII

DICTATOR VS. PEOPLE

第五十四节 知识分子的觉醒
54. The Rising of the Intellectuals
  中国共产主义运动主要的原动力是农民起义。不过,虽然农民支持与否是内战的决定因素,它还不足以使共产党战胜蒋介石。共产党要打赢战争,取得天下,还必须使相当一部分知识分子、商人和军队抛弃国民党政权。否则,整个革命就可能蜕变成单纯的农民起义,等到进攻城市的时候就会垮台。

  共产党要找到联系蒋管区人民的桥梁是很因难的。国民党地区具有政治敏感的人大都对共产党不怀好感。在战争初期,共产党没有找到几个知识分子同盟军。工程师、作家、医生、教授和学生对农村运动漠不关心。在解放区的学校、农村和政治集会上都非常缺乏演说家、宣传鼓动员和“领袖人物”。事实上尽管绝大多数中国知识分子表示爱好“革命”,但是他们起先并不拥护共产党,甚至还不屑理睬它。声势浩大的农民起义为埋葬蒋介石准备好了棺材,但正是许多这样的知识分子起来造反,才在蒋介石的棺材上钉了最后一颗钉子。

  经济大崩溃、蒋家宪兵和特务到处实行恐怖,这些重大的因素促使知识分子确信蒋介石不可能解决他们的切身问题。因此他们感到走投无路。即使如此,要不是他们从共产党的纲领里看到一线希望、一条活路、一条通向未来的道路的话,他们也是不会积极转向共产党的。共产党向自己地区以外的中国人民宣传这个纲领,做得很成功。其实,他们进行宣传的手段和工具极不充分,却收到如此巨大的效果。战争初起时,共产党的地下组织虽然很有办法,但人数极少。在蒋管区的工人中间几乎没有共产党的组织。他们所出的小册子和刊物发行数非常少。国民党完全控制了上海、北平、重庆、汉口、广州等大城市的报刊。

  THE chief motive force behind the Communist movement in China was the insurrection of the peasantry. But peasant support, though it was the decisive factor in the civil war, was not sufficient to bring victory to the Communists over Chiang Kai-shek. To win the war and gain control of the state, the party had to wean a good portion of the intellectuals, the businessmen and the army away from the Kuomintang regime. Otherwise, it ran the risk of seeing the whole revolution peter out into a mere peasant uprising that would collapse when it hit the cities.

  To find a bridge over to the people in Chiang Kai-shek's areas was difficult. Most of the politically conscious elements in Kuomintang territory were not well disposed toward the Communists. During the early part of the war, the party found few intellectuals as allies. Engineers, writers, physicians, professors and students kept very much aloof from the movement in the countryside. The dearth of speakers, agitators and "leaders" was keenly felt in the schools, in the villages and in the political meetings in the Liberated Areas. It is a plain fact that the great majority of Chinese intellectuals, though they are now expressing their love for the "revolution," did not at first give support to the Communist party and even turned their backs on it. Nevertheless, it was the revolt of many of these intellectuals that hammered the final nail into Chiang Kai-shek's coffin which the bold blows of?the peasantry had already hewn into rough shape.

  The tremendous economic collapse and the widespread terror practiced by Chiang's gendarmes and gestapo were major factors in convincing the intellectuals that Chiang Kai-shek could not possibly solve their life problems. That made them feel cornered. Still they would not have turned actively toward the Communists had they not caught in the Communist program a glimmer of hope, a road of escape, a path to the future. Upon close examination the means and implements the Communists used in getting this program across to the Chinese people outside their areas seem all out of proportion to the effects they produced. The Communist underground, while very skillful, was quite negligible in numbers when the war began. Their nuclei among the workers in Chiang's areas was almost nil. Their pamphlets and magazines enjoyed a very small circulation. The Kuomintang controlled all of the press in Shanghai, Peiping, Chungking, Hankow, Canton and other large cities.
  然而,共产党的纲领最后还是把起决定作用的一小部分群众争取过去了。这是怎么一回事呢? 说起来道理也很简单,共产党提出的反内战、反压迫、反独裁、反美国干涉等口号符合蒋管区人民的迫切要求,从而开辟了各种可供他们利用的革命渠道。但是,如果以为共产党只是在宣传上利用人们的不满情绪,那是一种十分肤浅的错误看法。共产党并不是那样一种煽动家或江湖骗子。共产党很明确,一切都从他们想要争取的人们的需要、希望和经验出发。事实上,上述那些口号无一不是蒋管区的反政府分子先提出来的。共产党把人民的这些要求接了过去。这也是他们比蒋介石高明的地方。共产党倾听人民的意见,向人民学习,蒋介石则充耳不闻,对情况毫不了解。

  最能说明这一点的莫过于和平问题了。究竟是共产党还是国民党要对发动内战负责,这是只有撰写官方白皮书的人才会感兴趣的一个学术性问题。但是,在争夺政权的斗争中,重要的是各方对和平问题所采取的政策以及这种政策对中国人民所产生的影响。在抗日战争结束时,共产党已经决心要夺取国家政权,决心要最终推翻蒋介石,这是不成问题的,但是共产党从来没有宣称他们要牺牲和平或不惜一切去推翻蒋介石,只是到了内战接近结束的后期他们才用有限的方式表明这一点。他们在这方面非常讲策略。在整个内战期间,共产党从来不对和平运动进行镇压,而是有意加以扶植,就像三年后苏联也扶植和平运动一样。蒋政府却在国民党右翼的压力之下采取了恰恰相反的方针,因此也就毁了自己。

  共产党是“匪”,必须不惜任何代价予以“消灭”,这就是蒋介石所奉行的路线。蒲立特先生后来正是附和了这条路线。由于蒋介石本行这一路线,犯下了绝大的战略错误,对本国人民的和平要求进行镇压,同知识分子和左翼大学教授公开冲突。这些教授受到学生的广泛拥护,而在文化不发达的中国社会里,学生又向来是政治上最敏感的分子。

  中国知识分子同统治者之间的斗争,在抗日战争胜利后不久就已经开始。当时昆明学生为要求和平,举行示威。警察竟向他们扔手榴弹,造成学生死四人,伤十四人。这只是更大规模斗争的序幕。昆明惨案发生两个半月后,在重庆和平谈判期间,举行了一次群众大会 ,有好几百名国民党打手捣毁了大会主席台,打伤了群众组织的五十多位领导人。乔治·马歇尔来到中国,使要求和平的呼声更加高涨,结果也迫使蒋政权更加公开地与本国人民为敌。一九四六年三月,群众列队游行欢迎由美国人、国民党和共产党组成的停战小组,国民党军队竟驱散游行群众,抓走了四十名为首的人。据说其中的两名教员被活埋,八名男女学生被扔进附近的河里淹死,其余的人被投入监狱。六月二十五日,蒋介石驻防徐州的部队,开枪打死十二名徐州中学学生,伤二十七名。该校教务主任身中七弹,当即毙命。有三百多名学生跪在机枪前面恳求饶命——这些机枪可能就是由正在进行调处的美国供应的。

  Yet the Communist program in the end took possession of a decisive minority of the people. How?

  The explanation is very simple: The Communist slogans - against civil war, against oppression, against dictatorship, against American intervention - corresponded to the urgent demands of the people in Chiang Kai-shek's areas and created all kinds of revolutionary channels for themselves. It would be a very vulgar mistake, however, to suppose that the Communists merely took advantage of discontent by propaganda. The Communists were not demagogues or charlatans in that sense. The Communists definitely guided themselves by the needs, the hopes and the experiences of those they wanted to win over. In fact, there is nothing to show that the slogans I have just mentioned did not originally come from opposition elements in Chiang Kai-shek's areas. These demands of the people the Communists took as their point of departure. That was one of their marks of superiority to Chiang Kai-shek. They listened to the people and learned from them; Chiang stopped up his ears and remained in ignorance.

  Nothing could illustrate this more clearly than the question of peace. Whether the Communists or the Kuomintang were responsible for starting the civil war is an academic question that could be of interest only to people who write government white papers. What was important in the struggle for power, however, was the policy each side adopted toward the peace question and the effect that such policies had on the Chinese people. There can be little doubt that the Communists at the end of the Japanese war were determined to struggle toward state power and determined eventually to overthrow Chiang Kai-shek. But the Communists never, until very late in the civil war and then only in a limited form, declared that they wanted to overthrow Chiang at the cost of peace or anything else. They were too wise for that. Also the Communists in all the years of the civil war never suppressed peace movements; in fact, they deliberately fostered them, as the Soviet Union three years later also fostered peace movements. The Chiang government, under pressure from the right wing of the Kuomintang, however, took just the opposite course. And it ruined them.

  Because he adopted the line that the Communists were "bandits" and had to be wiped out at any cost - line that was later to be echoed by Mr. William C. Bullitt - Chiang Kai-shek made the terrible strategic blunder of suppressing the demands of his own people for peace. This brought him into open conflict with the intelligentsia and the left-wing university professors who had a wide following among the students' traditionally the most politically conscious element in an illiterate Chinese society.

  The battle between the intellectuals and the rulers of China began shortly after V-J Day when police threw hand grenades into a student peace demonstration in Kunming, killing four students and wounding fourteen. This was only the opening salvo in a campaign of larger proportions. Two and a half months after the Kunming killings, during peace parleys in Chungking several hundred Kuomintang thugs demolished the rostrum of a mass meeting and manhandled more than fifty leaders of a people's organization. The arrival of George Marshall in China brought the demands for peace still more into the open and consequently forced the Chiang regime also more into the open against its own people. In March 1946, a parade to welcome truce teams composed of Americans, Kuomintang and Communist party members was dispersed by Kuomintang troops and forty ringleaders were arrested. Two schoolteachers were said to have been buried alive and eight boy and girl students were drowned in a near-by river, while the rest were imprisoned. On June 25, in Suchow, the local garrison forces of Chiang Kai-shek shot to death twelve and wounded twenty-seven students of the Suchow Middle School. The dean of the school was hit by seven bullets and killed. More than three hundred students fell on their knees in front of machine guns - possibly supplied by the truce-making United States - and pleaded for their lives.

  一九四六年内,国民党几乎一直是在大搞恐怖,以镇压和平要求。呼吁和平的社会名流受到国民党特务毒打。昆明有两位教授,在反内战集会上讲话,会后即遭暗杀。民主同盟的北平委员会委员被绑架拷打。

  国民党用这种手段把全国人民的和平要求镇压了下去。如果以为这种镇压毫无效果,那也不对。在知识分子接连被杀、学生接连被捕以后,和平运动转入了半地下状态。但是,对和平运动的打击必然会引起反击。对知识分子的屠杀不仅使渴望和平的人民感到震惊,而且也使社会上有政治敏感的分子彻底看情蒋介石发动内战的真面目。要是他能很快就结束战争,这些镇压也许会被人遗忘。但是战争旷日持久,山河残破。在这种情况下,要求和平的知名人士惨遭杀害,就使人们格外感到无法容忍。

  政府发动内战的时候,曾经保证在三个月内结束战争。到一九四六年底,人们都已经看出,恐怕三年也结束不了。大家知道,没有美国的援助,蒋介石是无力进行战争的。人们开始私下议论反对美国武器、美国顾问和美国陆海军士兵进入中国。年底前两天,美国海军陆战队士兵在北平强奸了一位中国姑娘,这一事件使反美情绪公开猛烈爆发。中国人群情激昂,声势浩大的学生示威在全国各地几乎同时爆发。战争的第一个年头就是这样在风暴雨往、雷电交加的情况下过去的。民众的激愤情绪骤然爆发,政府并不是完全漠然置之。但它已陷入进退两难的境地。“不许干涉中国”,这已经成为和平运动新的动员口号。这个新的口号具有爱国的性质,政府不敢正面反对。然而它也并不就此罢休。一九四七年春,蒋的宪兵以种种借口在北平抓了两千人,在青岛和广州也抓了三千人。

  During most of 1946, the Kuomintang terror was consistently aimed at halting the peace demands. Notable social leaders, advocating peace, were subjected to wild beatings by Kuomintang thugs, two professors were assassinated in Kunming after speaking to an anti-civil war rally and the Peiping Committee member of the Democratic League was kidnaped and tortured.

  By such methods, the Kuomintang quelled the popular demands for peace throughout the country. It would be idle to think that this suppression did not have effect. After the killing of the intellectuals and the arrest of students, the peace movement assumed a semi-underground haracter. However, the offensive against the peace ttlovement nurtured its own counteroffensive. For the killings of the intellectuals not only shocked the democratic yearnings of the people, but also brought home clearly to the politically conscious elements of society the fact that Chiang Kai-shek wanted war. Had he been able to finish off the war quickly, the suppressions might have been forgotten. But the desolation brought about by the continuing war made the murders of the leading peace proponents seem doubly unbearable.

  The government had begun the war with the promise that it would be over in three months. By the end of 1946, everyone saw that it would probably not come to an end even in three years. People believed that the generalissimo could not fight without American help. They began to talk among themselves about keeping American arms, American advisers and American soldiers and marines out of China. Two days before the end of the year, the rape of a Chinese girl by American marines in Peiping brought these sentiments violently into the open. The indignation of the Chinese led to a monster student demonstration which broke out almost simultaneously throughout the country. The first year of the war thus ended in storm and thunder.

  These flashes of popular indignation did not go entirely unheeded by the government. But it was placed in a dilemma. "Hands off China" had become the new rallying slogan of the peace movement. The government did not dare smash the patriotic nature of the new demands. Yet it did not idly look on. Under one pretext or another, in the spring of 1947, Chiang's gendarmes rounded up two thousand civilians in Peiping and another three thousand in Tsingtao and Canton.

  这种办法使人民沉默了一些时候。但是,反蒋活动的低潮并没有持续多久,最多不过几星期。同以前一样,在反对蒋介石的队伍里,冲在最前面的是学生。一九四七年学生同独裁者之间公开爆发战斗,中心问题主要倒不是和平,而是学校里的个人自由。

  为了理解这场中国大学校园里的战争,有必要在这里说一说陈立夫其人。他是国民党的头头兼教育部长。陈看起来是位好好先生,脸色红润,表情阴郁,一副道貌岸然的架势。他曾经在美国匹兹堡矿业学院学过短时期的西方科学,但是等到蒋介石一上台,他很快就把所学的西方思想忘个精光,成为专制君主的传统思想体系——儒家学说的主要鼓吹者。同时,他也极力宣扬他独家创立的“唯生主义”。这是一种稀奇古怪的理论,一开始就提出中国人先于“爱因期坦发现四度空间”这样一个莫明其妙的说法,接着涉及知识的全部领域,提到原子和氢核子的电解分析、生命原理、动物、植物和矿物界,真、善、美,人类的六个时期和政治演进的六个阶段——酋长制度、封建制度、君主制度、民主制度、政党专政制度和最后的“全民政治”。

  陈立夫把这一套陈年古董的说教灌输给中国学生,还写过几本书籍,鼓吹他从希特勒那里搬来的“一个政党、一个主义、一个领袖”的主张。在学校里,稍带自由色彩的书籍均在查禁之列。学生偷看这种书籍,一旦给人发现往往既要挨打。陈的特务或蒋家青年团打手身带手枪,以学生身份混在校园里。

  到一九四七年春,学生们的神经受尽折磨,已经到了忍无可忍的地步。全中国的大学校园都像开了锅似的沸腾起来了。“五四”是中国学生运动纪念日。学生们原来只打算一般地纪念一下这个日子,搞些游行反对削减伙食费,反对报纸反对精神迫害和集体开除。许多人料到政府可能会反对游行,但是谁也没有超到蒋竟然会在比较大的城市里下毒手,因为像上海和南京这样的大城市里,当时还有许多外国见证人在呢。学生们的神经固然紧张,官僚们的神经也一样紧张。他们一见群众运动就受不了,所以下令对游行群众进行镇压。就在首都南京,就在外交使团的跟前,竟然用刺刀和铁棍来袭击学生,连女学生也和男学生一样不能幸免。学生们无不义愤填膺。几天之内,全国各地大学纷纷罢课。这又招致警察对校园的袭击。

  西方人恐怕很难想像这些袭击的情景。要作一个合适的比较的话,美国人需要想像一下,凌晨三点钟哥伦比亚大学的学生们正在宿舍里酣睡之际,全副武装的纽约市警察加上几十名民主党(即执政党的特务),突然闯进校园,杀死几名学生,还逮捕了一大批,以“叛国”、“共产党”或者干脆就以“危险分子”的罪嫌,不经审判关入监狱。这在中国是常事。

  一九四七年五月初,警察袭击上海法学院,杀死一名女生,抓走十一名学生。类似事件很快就在上海、南京等地发生,到五月二十四日已有一百五十名学生被捕。四天后,一千名蒋介石的宪兵强行进入暨南大学,抓走七十一名学生,打伤一百多人。五月三十日,两千多名军警包围了上海市中心的交通大学。六月一日,在被称为中国芝加哥的汉口,军队用火箭炮和机枪攻打国立武汉大学,抓走五名教授和三十多名学生。全校学生集合起来,保护被抓的师生,军队就用机枪扫射,打死三人,打伤五十多人。在蒋的抗战首都重庆,女子师范有八十四名女生被捕,全市有三百多名学生被投入监狱。一九四七年五月二十日至六月二日,两周之内,被捕的师生单是有名有姓可查的就有九百二十三人,据信共有一千多人被打死或打伤。

  Such actions managed for a while to keep the people quiet, but the decline in the opposition to Chiang Kai-shek did not last very long - not longer than a few weeks. As of old, it was the students who rushed to the forefront of the ranks fighting Chiang Kai-shek. This battle between students and dictator, which flared into open warfare in 1947 centered not so much around the question of peace as it did around the question of personal liberty in the schools.

  To understand this war on the Chinese campus, it is necessary here to say a few words about Chen Li-fu, Kuomintang party boss, and also minister of education. Chen was a benign-looking man, with a pink and gray face, and an air of moral earnestness. He had studied Western science briefly at the Pittsburgh School of Mines, but quickly forgot his Western ideas when Chiang Kai-shek took, power. Becoming the chief promoter of the return to Confucianism - the traditional ideology of despots - he also pumped hard for his own special brand of "vitalism." This was a curious theory that began with the dubious point that "Einstein's discovery of the fourth dimension?was anticipated by the Chinese and then ran the whole gamut of knowledge from an analysis of the atom and hydrogen nucleus, the life principle, the animal, vegetable and mineral kingdoms, the true, the good and the beautiful, the six ages of man, and the six stages of political development - leadership, feudalism, monarchy, democracy, party dictatorship and finally "government of all the people." (1)

  These atavistic doctrines Chen shoved down the throats of China's students along with some books advocating "One party, one ideology, one leader," which he copied from Hitler. Books of a liberal sort were banned from the schools, and students caught reading them were often beaten by Chen's thugs or those of Chiang's Youth Corps who were armed with pistols and lived on the campus as students, but were really spies.

  By spring of 1947, the nerves of the students were frayed to the raw edges. Campuses all over China were boiling like a kettle. May 4 was Chinese Student Movement Day. The students had intended to mark this day in a general manner: by parades against food reduction, against kidnaping, against intellectual persecution and mass dismissals. It had occurred to many that the government might oppose the parades, but none thought Chiang would take violent action in the larger cities, such as Shanghai and Nanking where there were numerous foreign eyewitnesses. But the nerves of the bureaucrats, like those of the students, were very shaky. They couldn't stand the sight of popular movements, and ordered the parades suppressed. In the capital of Nanking itself, right in front of the diplomatic corps, bayonets and iron bars were brought into play against girl and boy students alike. The student body was enraged. During the following days, a series of strikes began in university classrooms all over China. This was a signal for the police to storm the campus.

  The nature of these attacks is probably hard for a Westerner to understand. For an apt comparison, it would be necessary for an American to imagine that in Columbia University the students were peacefully sleeping in their dormitories when heavily armed New York City policemen, in company with scores of gestapo agents of the Democratic party, (i.e. the party in power) suddenly descended on the campus at three o'clock in the morning, killed a few students, arrested many others and threw them in jails where they were held without trial and assumed to be guilty of "treason," "Communism," or just of being "dangerous." That is what sometimes happened in China.

  Early in May 1947, the police raided the campus of the Shanghai Law College, killed one co-ed and arrested eleven students. The raids soon spread throughout Shanghai and Nanking until on May 24, 150 students were under arrest. Four days later, one thousand of Chiang Kai-shek's gendarmes broke into Chinan University, arrested seventy-one pupils and wounded or beat over a hundred. On May 30, more than two thousand troops and police surrounded Chiaotung University in the heart of Shanghai. On June i, the garrison of Hankow (the Chicago of China) raided National Wuhan University with rockets and machine guns, seized five professors and over thirty students. When the whole student body gathered to protect the seized victims, they were machine-gunned, three killed and over fifty hurt. In Chungking, eighty-four girl students of the Women's Normal College were arrested and over three hundred students from Chiang's Japanese wartime capital were thrown in prison. In the fortnight between May 20 and June 2, 1947, 923 known students and teachers were arrested and more than a thousand were believed to have been killed or injured.

原注一:见《美利坚合众国与中国》,约翰·费班,哈佛大学出版社,1948,256页 (1)See The United States and China, John Fairbanks (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1948), p. 256.
  滥捕滥杀青年学生的事件,使全国知识界义愤填膺,群情鼎沸。政府当局对学生家长说,他们的孩子给共产党引入歧途了。家长们不相信这一套。政府不顾一切地想要使学生和家长安分守己,取缔一切自由倾向,因此,继大规模逮捕之后又大批开除师生。一九四七年内就开除了好几千名大学生和二百三十名教授和讲师。由于政府已经完全丧失了自信,它采取了这些极端措施以后仍不放心,又在各班级里安插特务监视可疑的学生。其目的当然是确保各大学在思想和政治方面完全保持正统。

  北洋大学的一名学生给美国人办的《密勒氏评论报》写信说:“特务学生夜间检查宿舍,腰里插着手枪。谁都可能因为不恭维他们或者同他们有仇而被捕。我们开会讨论技术问题,也受到特务学生的严密监视。谁要发牢骚,被特务一汇报就上了黑名单。”

  本来想对学校实行思想统制,结果事与愿违。在学校以及拘留被捕学生的“感化”营里,宪兵、特务和三青团都不断攻击中共,肆意渲染它的罪恶。这样大肆宣传的结果产生了两方面的作用。身受恐怖统治之苦的学生心想,为什么那些如此可恶的家伙偏偏要当着他们攻击共产党呢?为什么亲手打过他们的人却偏偏要声嘶力竭地宣传共产党的野蛮?为什么恰恰就是那些思想最开明的老师,那些在三青团用棍棒行凶时挺身保护他们的老师被骂为共产党?为什么那些年过三十、身穿大褂、腰插手枪、横行霸道的“学生”,会突然之间跳出来,硬说一个经常在图书馆里埋头读书的学生是共产党?在此期间,国民党推行了一种新的、其实也是很陈旧的战略来对付政治上的反对派,这种战略终于使它同中国的知识分子在思想上分道扬镳。

  在统治集团的字典里,群众行动、学生游行、抗议压迫、要求减税,受尽折磨的人们要求自由的凄厉呼声、企图免受剥削的各种尝试—一言以蔽之,一切进步的思想和行动——都成了中共或“八路”的同义词。学生们不免要问:难道这一切都是共产主义吗?蒋介石迫使人民把自己的思想和要求,以至自己内心的希望都同共产党的口号联系起来。如果你老是把一个人说成是共产党,久而久之,很可能最后他自己也会说;“莫非我就是个共产党吧。”如果你觉得这种事情很荒唐的话,那么今天在美国也可以看到达种现象,只是还没有发展到那种地步而己。非美活动委员会一类机构极力企图在我们的学校里实行思想和政治统制,迫使人们要么跪倒在地,哭哭啼啼地表示忠诚,要么站起来维护自己的权利,但这样一来就与共产党划等号,而其实他们可能根本不信仰共产主义。

 

  These indiscriminate attacks against the educated youth brought the literate of the nation to an angry boiling point. Government authorities tried to tell parents that their children had been corrupted by Communism. The parents would not have it. In a desperate attempt to pacify the students and the parents and at the same time to crack down on all liberalism, the government followed up the mass arrests with mass dismissals. In 1947, several thousand students and 230 professors and lecturers were dismissed from the colleges. Its self-confidence completely shaken, the government followed up these extremities by bringing up secret agents into the classes to spot any remaining suspicious students. The aim, of course, was to insure complete philosophic and political orthodoxy on the campus.

  "During the night," writes a student of North China College to the American-owned China Weekly Review, "gestapo students inspect dormitories with pistols in their pockets. Anyone can be arrested for being impolite or hated by these students. If we bold a debating meeting to discuss technical problems, we are closely watched by the gestapo students. If we speak one word of criticism, we are reported and our names put on the black list."

  This attempt to insure orthodoxy in the schools had a peculiar psychological effect. The gendarmes, the secret service and the youth corps, both on the campus and in the "reformation" camps for arrested students, carried on a ceaseless campaign against the Chinese Communists, painting their evils in lurid colors. This strong weapon of propaganda proved two-edged, for the terrorized students wondered why the news about the Communists came from sources so hateful to them. Why was it that the men who had beaten them talked most loudly about the savagery of the Communists? Why was it that their most liberal-minded teachers, the very ones who had tried to protect them from the clubbings of the youth corps, were just the ones that were accused of being Communists? Why was it that the thirty-year-old students who swaggered around in long gowns with pistols under their belts suddenly leaped up and denounced a student who spent much of his time in the school library as a Communist?

  During this period, the Kuomintang developed a new, but still a very old, strategy for dealing with political opponents that ultimately led to their psychological divorcement from the intellectuals of China. In the dictionary of the ruling clique, mass action, student parades, protests against oppression, demands for lowered taxes, tortured screams for liberty, every attempt to avoid exploitation - in a word, every progressive thought or action - became the synonym for Chinese Communism or "8th Route banditry." Does this mean that all these things are Communism? the students would ask themselves. Chiang Kai-shek compelled his people to identify their thoughts and demands, even their secret hopes, with the slogans of the Communist party. If you call a person a Communist long enough, he very well may end up by saying: "Maybe I am a Communist." If this seems nonsensical, such a phenomenon can be observed to a small degree today in the United States where the drive of the Un-American Activities Committee and other organizations for philosophic and political orthodoxy in our schools have forced people either to get down on their knees and slobber out their loyalty or to stand up for their rights, thereby identifying themselves with Communism in which they may not believe at all.

  在美国,这种情况还没有发展到不可收拾的地步,但是正在很快地朝这个方向发展。就在我写本书的时候,有消息说俄克拉何马州议会已经通过一项法案,要求全州所有的教师和所有州立大学的学生宣誓效忠美国,“作为就业和参加本单位各种活动的条件。”纽约州议会也在讨论一项法案,其中规定“凡是参加共产党,或在查询时拒绝说明自已是否为共产党员,或同意共产党的学说,或支持并同情共产党事业的人,均不得担任教授或在本州学校系统中任职。”尽管美国公民自由同盟、纽约教师联合会、美国劳工党等组织反对,但是有一些强大的势力支持这种法案,例如,赫斯特报系既要求全国都通过这种法案,以保护我们的学校免受共产党的影响,因为,据说学校是共产党首先进行渗透的地方。

  人们往往看到,受到这种法案损害的一般并不是共产党,而是人们的思想自由。姑且不谈这一点,姑且不管这种法案将把我们的学校搞成舆论一律,毫无生气,也姑且不管它对自由的全面威胁,只根据中国的经验也可以断定,这些条规并不能保护学校免受共产党的影响,却只能为共产党制造盟友。

  首先,禁果总是反而更诱人,对于青年说来尤其如此。你越禁止共产主义进入学校,人们就越觉得偷偷阅读共产党的小册子是一种了不起的探险,而不是枯燥的学习。其次,当局不让共产党的学说在公开论坛上同民主学说互相比个高低,人们自然会认为当局对民主的优越性原来毫无信心。第三,这种法案需要有一套机构来执行,这就必然会造成一个拥有半独裁权力的特权集团,在学校里就会出现监视活动和文化特务,而这一切又会造成其本身的对立面。第四,让一个特权集团自行裁决什么是共产主义,什么不是共产主义,那些敢作敢为、独立思考的师生往往不服, 不接受学校当局对共产主义所下的定义。这又会招致新的镇压,造成新的反对派。最后,所有这些法案都为共产党同自由派人士提供了进行合作的共同基础,结果不是行不通就是压制了自由。这样搞下去,必然导致独裁——法西斯的、共产党的、美国式的、或者不管是哪种牌号的独裁。

 

  This trend in the United States is not yet out of hand, but it is fast getting so. As I write, news has come to hand that the Oklahoma State Legislature has passed a bill requiring all teachers in the state and all students in state-supported colleges to affirm their loyalty to the US "as a condition of employment or of participation in the activities of the institution." At the same time a bill is before the New York State Assembly which provides that "any person who is a member of the Communist party or who refuses to disclose upon inquiry, whether or not he is a member of the Communist party, or who subscribes to its doctrine, or who espouses or is in sympathy with its cause, shall be ineligible for employment in the teaching profession or in the school systems of this state."

  Although such organizations as the American Civil Liberties Union, the New York Teachers Union, the American Labor party and others have opposed this last bill, there are powerful interests which support such bills. The Hearst papers, for example, want the whole nation to adopt such bills in order to protect our schools from Communism because they are the first places Communists infiltrate.

  Quite apart from the oft-observed fact that the victim of such bills is generally not Communism, but freedom of thought, apart also from the fact that these bills will make our schools sterile centers of orthodoxy, and also apart from the general threat to liberty, regulations of this kind, if one may judge from the experiences of China, do not protect the schools from Communism, but only create allies for it.

  In the first place, forbidden fruit is always attractive, especially to the young, and any attempt to keep Communism out of the schools will make the secret reading of Communist pamphlets a great adventure instead of a dull study. Secondly, the attempt by authorities to prevent Communist doctrines from competing with democratic doctrines in an open arena of discussion, leads naturally to the conclusion that authorities really have no faith in the superiority of democracy at all. Thirdly, such bills create the need for an apparatus of enforcement, which ipso facto gives semidictatorial powers to a privileged group, leads to spying and the creation of intellectual gestapos in the schools which breed their own opposition. Fourthly, it allows a privileged group to set itself up as the arbiter of what is Communistic and what is not. This often leads the most courageous and the most free-thinking members of the student-teacher body to defy the school authorities?definition of Communism. In turn, this leads to a new suppression and the creation of a new opposition. Finally, all such bills create a common basis for co-operation between Communists and liberals and are either self-defeating or lead to the suppression of liberty. Such trends if carried to their ultimate conclusion can only result in dictatorship - fascist, communist, American or whatever brand you like.

  在中国,政府当局企图在反共基础上实行思想统制,这种做法促成了蒋介石的失败。蒋政权把凡是要求自由民主的人都当作共产党,这种态度使它必然会干出一系列的暴行,结果连许多最不关心政治的人也加入了反对国民党政府的斗争行列。

  一九四八年七月十五日,这种暴行达到了一个新的高峰。在靠近缅甸边境、远离内战战场的昆明,政府当局出动了两千多名军警,并不是为了去驱散一支示威游行队伍,而是去袭击云南大学和南菁中学的校园。军警带着手枪、步枪、机枪、刺刀和水龙带,打死五名学生,打伤一百乡人,被捕学生据报道共达一千二百人之多。其中三百人被关进集中营,受到了严格的思想审查。有七百人被投入监狱,受到严刑拷打。有一个名叫吴绶琴的女学生受了五次电刑,以致神经错乱。一位怀孕的女教员被折磨得流了产。学生在监狱里每天只给两碗饭,一杯盐水。还在半夜里把他们拖出牢房,强迫他们跪在碎石上。然后专职看守在他们头顶上挥舞闪亮的刺刀,朝天开枪,逼他们供认是共产党。有三十多名被捕的人遭到活埋。所有的人都没有经过法庭审判。

  In China, the govermnent's attempt to insure orthodoxy on the basis of anti-Communism helped to bring about the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek. The attitude that anyone who stood for liberty and democracy was a Communist could not help but lead the Chiang regime into a series of atrocities which brought many of the most passive and non-political people into the fight against the Kuomintang government.

  The atrocities reached a new high on July 15, 1948 when the authorities in the city of Kunming, near the borders of Burma and far from the civil war, mobilized more than two thousand policemen and gendarmes, not to dispel a demonstration, but to raid the campuses of Yunan University and Naching Middle School. Armed with pistols, rifles, machineguns, bayonets and water hoses, the gendarmes killed five students, injured more than a hundred and arrested a reported twelve hundred. Three hundred of these were imprisoned in concentration camps where they underwent rigid thought control. Seven hundred were placed in cells and tortured. A girl student named Wu Shou-chin became insane after being treated five times in an electric chair. Torture caused a woman teacher to have a miscarriage. The student prisoners were fed daily with two bowls of rice and a cup of salt water. At midnight they were dragged out of their cells and made to kneel on the gravel. Special guards then waved shining bayonets over their heads and fired their rifles into the air in order to make them say they were Communists. More than thirty prisoners were buried alive. None was given a court trial.
  一九四八年八月,蒋政权在日益不满的公众舆论面前气急败坏,又怕又恨,好像觉得对中国青年的迫害折磨还不够狠似的,又下令设立特刑庭提审被国民党特务所检举的学生。全国各地有一千名学生被拘捕。国民党当局的目的显然是要在秋季开学以前彻底清洗校园,以杜绝下一学年发生学潮的可能。

  设立特刑庭的法律根据就是那个“戡乱时期危害民国治罪条例”。国民党利用其本身就成问题的一项法律,设特刑庭来对付中国人民,这就使法律和宪法在人民心目中丧夫了尊严。而当某些有名望的自由主义人士和教育家假借法律为政府迫害学生开脱时,效果就更糟糕了。在美国的现实生活里,华盛顿大学最近发生的事件与此多少有些类似,该校当局迫使教授们出席法庭接受对自己政治信仰的审讯。

  说也奇怪,在政治上维护正统的那些知名的中国自由主义分子并没有给政府增添资本,反而为它的衰亡增添了一个新的因素。许多学生和教授渐渐认识到,在现有的体制下根本没有希望实行民主改革,而必须公开起来反对蒋的独裁制度。很多人现在已经这样干了。学生们团结起来保护那些可能被捕的同学。在北平,有许多教授串连起来发表联合声明,揭露政府在各大学蓄意制造事件。

  As if they had not subjected the youth of China to enough misery and torture, the Chiang regime, desperate, angry and fearful of the rising tide of public opinion, in August 1948 created a number of special tribunals to purge the schools of students the Kuomintang spies did not like. Writs of arrest were issued for a thousand students throughout the country. The aim of the Kuomintang authorities was evidently to cleanse the campus so thoroughly before the autumn session that no student unrest could possibly occur in the next year.

  The special tribunals derived their legal power from "the regulations for the punishment of crimes endangering the republic during the period of bandit suppression.?In thus trying to shield themselves from the Chinese people by the questionable authority of a higher law, the Kuomintang compromised the law and the constitution in the eyes of its own people. The effect was doubly compounded when prominent liberals and educators used the law as an excuse for helping the government in the student purges. American life offers somewhat of a parallel in recent events at Washington University, where school authorities made their professors face a court of inquiry concerning their political beliefs.

  The political orthodoxy of prominent liberals in China curiously enough did not strengthen the hand of the government but only produced another factor into its decay. For many students and the professors came to believe there was no hope in seeking democratic reforms under the existing structure. They must stand up and fight the Chiang dictatorship openly. And this many of them now did. Students not only rallied to protect their classmates threatened with arrest, but many professors joined hands in Peiping and issued a joint statement accusing the government of deliberately fostering disturbances in the universities.
  知识分子日益公开反对政府。《密勒氏评论报》编辑部收到来自全国各地的大量信件。这个刊物是当时被压迫的中国人民所能利用的极少舆论工具之一。北洋大学的一个学生问道:“在一个民主国家里能发生这种事情吗?”这个问题本身就提供了自己的答案,发人深省。安徽芜湖一个学生的来信极悲愤地说:“半年以前,我还有兴趣去读对政府的批评……现在这种批评也跟政府一样对我毫无意义了。谁还相信国民党,谁就是白痴。”

  从幻想完全破灭再前进一步,就是起来造反了。许多学生不想再在蒋介石统治底下生活了。几乎所有将被逮捕的人都逃奔解放区,这些知识分子便为农民提供了领导骨干。这些活生生的事实比任何社会学调查都更雄辩地说明了力量对比的消长。这些事实清楚地表明,学生已对旧政权失去希望,正转向新政权寻找出路。这些事实也暴露了蒋政权各种手法的卑鄙本质。如同一个魔术师凭空变出兔子来一样,中国的秘密警察硬是从本来没有共产党的地方制造出共产党来。

  在搞垮国民党和壮大共产党力量方面,学生所起的作用恐怕是怎么估计也不为过的。在蒋管区的受难人民中,实际上唯有他们能发出自己的呼声。成千上万的学生从国民党地区投奔解放区,为共产党人数不多的队伍提供了十分需要的知识分子骨干。在抗日战争期间,有数万学生从国民党地区跑到延安学习。其中很多人在一九四六年内战爆发以前已经成为重要的政治干部和行政干部。一九四八年国民党加紧进行迫害的时候,学生继续大批逃亡。一九四八年八月国民党宣布黑名单以后,据说有一千七百名学生逃出蒋管区。同年十月,华中地区的开封被攻克后,又有四千五百名学生投奔共产党。这种大规模逃亡,造成了两个地区学生之间的一种统一战线。

  在国民党地区,新的学生领袖接替了投奔解放区的学生领袖,同他们保持着密切的地下联系,有的接着也踏上了同样的道路。就这样,在蒋的政权机器旁边又有一套新的机构发展起来,形成了一种地下的国中之国。

  Intellectual opposition to the government came daily more into the open. From all over China letters poured into the offices of the China Weekly Review, one of the few public opinion outlets available to the oppressed Chinese people. "Can such things happen in a democratic country?" inquires a student from North China College. The question more than contains its own answer. The acme of disillusion, however, is expressed by a student writing from Wuhu in Anwhei Province: "A half a year ago I had interest in reading criticisms of the government. Now they seem to me, just as does the government, meaningless. If there are men who still believe in the Kuomintang, they are idiotic."

  From complete disillusionment, it is only one step to revolt. Many students no longer tried to live under Chiang Kai-shek. Most all of those for whom the writs of arrest were issued fled over to the Liberated Areas, thereby furnishing intellectual leadership to the peasantry. Such living deeds are more precious testimony than any sociological research into the correlation of forces. For they clearly reveal that the students had lost hope in the old regime and were seeking a way out in the new one. They also bared the basic charlatanism underlying all of the Chiang regime's tactics. As a magician seemingly creates rabbits out of thin air, so China's gestapo created Communists where there apparently had been none.

  The students' role in both crippling the Kuomintang and bolstering the strength of the Communists can hardly be overestimated. They were in reality the only articulate section of the suffering people in Chiang's areas. Thousands of students who migrated from the Kuomintang regions into the Liberated Areas furnished much-needed brains to the slender ranks of the Communist party. During the Japanese war, more than ten thousand students went to Yenan from the Kuomintang areas to study. Many of them had already become key political and administrative cadres before the civil war broke out in 1946. The mass student migration continued as the Kuomintang persecution was intensified in 1948. Seventeen hundred students were said to have crossed the lines after the Kuomintang announced its black list in August 1948. In October of the same year, during the ten days after the fall of Kaifeng in Central China, forty-five hundred more students trooped over to the Communists.

  This migration produced a kind of united front between the students on both sides. New leaders of the students in the Kuomintang areas, succeeding those who entered the Communist areas, kept close underground contact with the latter or followed the path already traversed by their predecessors. There was thus growing up beside Chiang's apparatus of power, a new machinery, a kind of underground state within a state.
  这些事件包含着一个革命的教训,那就是说,不可能单靠策略来制止一场革命。在这一方面,战争和革命都一样。策略必须服从于战略,战略又必须服从于政治。如果颠倒了,就非失败不可。而蒋介石除了保住自己的权位以外,根本没有什么政策。因此,他让一切都服从于他的策略,那就是反共。他的特务机关把什么办法都使上了——杀人、镇压、特刑庭——可是无论用哪一种办法,都救不了他。

  在那些日子里,在上层,在华丽的政府衙门里,蒋介石的教育部、党部和特务机关狼狈为奸,设法对付学生。同时在中国社会的底层,学生和小商人、民族工业家以及城市工人之间,正在形成一种半公开的联盟。有人注意到,在学生举行游行时,一些商人跑到学生中间,把钱塞到他们的手里,小声说:“干吧!我们支持你们。”

  中国社会不同阶层的人,就这样在蒋介石军警的刺刀下面拉起手来。

  经济大崩溃激起了全中国人民的不满,这是促使蒋管区的知识分子、商人和民族工业家结成联盟的首要因素。内战期间,蒋管区城市里的粮食供应日益紧张。老百姓在饥饿线上挣扎。难民和失去土地的农民纷纷拥入上海,结果是,街头巷尾弃尸累累。这对蒋政权是无声的控诉,揭露它完全无能解决人民的生活问题。报纸不顾严厉的新闻检查,开始报道由经济问题造成的骇人听闻的惨剧。《密勒氏评论报》是读者来信专栏,简直成了人们倾吐苦水的“哭墙”。中国社会各阶级都在分崩离析,工厂工人和人力车夫无心干活,沦为盗匪。工厂的企业管理开始瓦解。在蒋介石统治下,财产权显得不牢靠了。利润下降,风险日增,民族工业家受到蒋的官僚资本排挤而纷纷破产。同时由于所谓的国有化和惊人的通货膨胀,其他人也逐渐失去了搞生产的劲头。

  There is a revolutionary lesson in these events. And it is simply this: You cannot halt a revolution with tactics alone. In this respect, war and revolution are alike. Tactics should never be anything but the arm of strategy and strategy should be the arm of politics. If it is the other way around you are doomed to failure. Chiang had no policy - except to keep himself in power. Therefore, he subordinated everything to his tactic of anti-Communism. His secret service tried everything - murder, suppression, special laws - and each one of these methods betrayed him.

  During these days when up on top, in the fine yamens of the government, there was taking place a loose coalition between the Ministry of Education, the party and Chiang's secret agents against the students, there was taking place underneath the surface of Chinese life, but barely concealed, a union between the students and some of the small businessmen, the native industrialists and a few of the city workers. During student parades, it was noticed that shopkeepers ran out amid the students and pressed money in their hands. "Go to it," they would whisper. "We are with you." Thus, different sections of Chinese society began to reach across the bayonets of Chiang's gendarmes and shake hands with each other.

  A factor of primary importance in bringing about this alliance between the intellectuals, the shopkeepers and native industrialists in Chiang's areas was the tremendous economic collapse which whipped up the discontent of the entire Chinese people. As the war went on the food situation in Chiang's cities became worse. The standard of the masses oscillated between hunger and outright starvation. Refugees and landless peasants crowded into Shanghai and cluttered the alleyways with corpses - mute and damning testimony of the utter inability of the Chiang regime to solve the life conditions of its people. The newspapers, despite the heavy censorship, began publishing stories of appalling economic tragedies. The letter columns of the China Weekly Review became a kind of wailing wall where the people howled out their anguish. Every class in Chinese society began to disintegrate. The factory workers and the ricksha coolies lost their taste for labor and took to robbery. The administrations in the factories began to fall apart. Property rights under Chiang Kai-shek appeared unreliable. Profits were falling off, dangers growing. Native industrialists were being driven out of business by the Chiang bureaucracy while others were losing their taste for production under conditions of so-called nationalization and the alarming inflation.

  通货膨胀的情况实在令人难以置信。滥印钞票使外汇行市大幅度上涨,美元的比价由三千元上涨到三十万元,后来又上涨到空前的六百万元。形势恶化到了可怕的地步,蒋的钞票贬值到同给死人烧化的纸钱相差无几了。广东有一家大造纸厂,买进八百箱票面一百元至二千元的钞票,当作造纸原料。使钱不当钱用,这个现像简直把大家吓昏了。物价自然是直线上涨,几乎无法计算。在离内战战场将近一千英里的华南地区,米价在几天内从每担一千八百万元涨到三千六百万元。据报纸估计一粒大米要值十五元,一根火柴要值两百元。但是谁还都不愿以此为根据进行买卖。更糟糕的是,政府用小票给公教人员发放工资,但中央银行、邮局、铁路局和税务局全都拒收这种钞票。这简直是直接掠夺中产阶级。然而蒋的官僚还有更大的打算。 由于下面怨声载道,蒋介石恐慌万分,一九四八年八月,他又发行一种新的金元券,规定三百万元旧币换一元新币。同时它以逮捕和抄家相要挟,迫使人民把自己的金银、墨西哥鹰洋和所有外币全都交给中央银行。正如一位评论员所说:“政府一只手拿出一片纸,另一只手好像变戏法一样把人民的财富搜刮一空。“

  本来发行“金元券”是为了挽救已经丧失信用的政府通货,结果却反而搞得更不可收拾。生产陷于停顿。物价只稳定了短短几天,然后又开始上涨,一如过去。政府想用经济法今来稳住物价,可是苦斗中的商人十分明白,不管用什么办法,物价也稳定不长,干脆就拒绝把店里的商品拿出来卖,以此进行反抗。人们到处抢购,见什么就买什么。上海的有钱人,为了出脱金元券,开始把最大的钻石、最贵的手表、最上等的碧玉和其它东西抢购一空。在北平,人力车夫把昂贵的法国点心买个精光,因为市场上别的东西部没有了。据报道,广州的家庭主妇宁愿买蛇吃,也不愿留着金元券过夜,怕第三天在市场上买不到东西。中国人民对政府已经丧失信心。对于他们来说,由这样一个政府的资产作保证的新钞票只是一堆废纸而己。
  This inflation was really fantastic. The printing press money climbed in huge upward spirals from three thousand Chinese dollars for one American dollar to three hundred thousand, then to the unheard of figure of six million. The deterioration assumed such terrific proportions that the value of Chiang's money dwindled to no more than the paper money burned for the dead. A large paper mill in Kwangtung bought up eight hundred cases of notes ranging from hundred dollar to two thousand dollar bills to use as raw material in the manufacture of paper. The phenomenon of money being used for something else besides money frightened everyone almost to the state of hysteria. Naturally prices bounded upward almost beyond computation. In South China, nearly a thousand miles from the civil war areas, rice rose from eighteen million dollars to thirty-six million dollars a picul within a few days. Newspapers estimated that a single grain of rice would cost fifteen dollars and a single match two hundred dollars. But nobody would trade on this basis. Worse - the government paid its civil servants and teachers in small denomination notes. But the Central Bank, the Post Office, the Railway Administration and tax-levying organizations all refused to accept such notes. This, of course, was nothing but direct robbery of the middle classes. The Chiang bureaucracy, however, aimed even higher. Scared by the grumblings from below, Chiang Kai-shek in August 1948 issued a new gold yuan, exchanging three million of the old dollars for one of the new. At the same time it compelled the people, under threat of arrest and by forcible house search, to surrender their gold, silver, Mexican dollars and all foreign currency to the Central Bank. As one commentator put it: "The government holds out a piece of paper in one hand and as if by magic whisks the wealth of the people away with the other."

  The new "Gold dollar" which was designed to salvage the government's discredited currency only wrecked it further. Production came to a standstill. Prices remained stable for a few brief days and then began climbing back again toward the old levels. The government tried to hold the prices in line by economic decree. Embattled shopkeepers, knowing full well that nothing could hold prices in line for long, fought back by refusing to put goods on sale in their stores. People rushed in mobs to buy whatever they could lay their hands on. Wealthy residents in Shanghai began to buy up the biggest diamonds, the costliest watches, the greenest jade and other articles to get rid of the gold yuan. In Peiping, ricksha coolies bought up expensive French pastries because they could not find anything else on the market. In Canton, housewives were reported buying snakes to eat rather than keep their gold yuan overnight in the hope of finding food on the market. To the Chinese people, the new currency was just so much paper backed by the assets of a government in which they had lost confidence.

  蒋介石拼命想挽回民心,防止发生暴乱,就派他在俄国留过学的长子蒋经国到上海去当经济独裁者,并特地为他配备了军队和警察。小蒋召集亲信密商后,决定采取打击中产阶级以争取城市贫民支持的方针。他的策略是照搬希特勒夺取政权时所用的那一套。小蒋善于蛊惑人心的那一套,是他那位比较刻板的父亲所望尘莫及的。他呼吁上海人民实行所谓“社会革命”纲领。

  这位太子爷派特务和军队到上海各家商店,以逮捕相要挟,迫使商人按硬性规定的价格出售商品。商人的脑袋被手枪顶着,没有办法,只好屈服。上海人乘此机会疯狂地抢购,把毫无价值的钞票换成有价值的商品。店员和店主忙说自己的商品质量不好,使劲劝顾客别买。这在中国近代史上也许还是破天荒第一遭。可是他们还是白费唇舌。顾客们哪管什么式样、尺寸,什么东西都买,而且马上就要。有一个苦力从货架上抓了几盒青霉素。店员吃了一惊,问他是不是知道青霉素的用途,苦力回答说:“管他娘的,反正它比钞票值钱。”

  上海商店的货架被抢购一空。许多商人在几天之内就倾家荡产。蒋介石试图用蛊惑人心的政治手法解决经济问题,这反而使大家都看出,他已经到了山穷水尽的地步。不过,商人的屈服长了蒋介石的威风,使他由惊慌失措变为一意孤行,决定要蛮干下去。中产阶级的油水已经榨干,现在该轮到上层阶级了。小蒋横了一条心,不计后果,向银行家和上海滩的地方势力开刀,这些人曾是他父亲的最坚决的支持者,蒋介石就是靠了这些人的帮助才上台统治了二十年。

  为了使他的新法西斯主义纲领获得人们的支持,小蒋接连查抄有钱人的财产。货栈、店铺、市场、车辆、船只和飞机全部是他手下警察打劫的对象。抢走了人家的资产以后,小蒋又进而逮捕资本家本人。他先拿一个二流投机商王春杰开刀,把他枪毙了,杀鸡给猴看,威逼其他人乖乖交出钱来。

  接着小蒋逮捕了申新纱厂、永安面粉厂和浙江系的银行钱庄老板。这些全都是他父亲的金融机器基本组成部分。小蒋以惊人的速度打掉了他父亲经济基础的支柱。

  换句话说,一个垂死的政权已经到了它生命史中的关键时刻,这时旧社会的头面人物为自己安排好了自杀。可叹在这样的时刻,历史倒往往会变得富有艺术意味起来。蒋最后的一个支柱偏偏要由他自己的儿子来削弱,这真可谓是他的恶报啊。而偏偏这个儿子又曾经在苏联留过学,也是一个极大的讽刺。小蒋行动的高潮就像是庸俗电影里的情节一样。一九二七年,上海有名的私贩鸦片大王杜月笙派出五千名地痞流氓从公共租界进攻华界的工人,才使蒋介石得以上台。现在小蒋竟整了他父亲的恩人,把这个鸦片大王的儿子抓起来了。

  在打击上海的上层阶级以后,蒋介石政权苟延残喘,只拖了几十个星期。对上海的社会中上层实行恐怖政策,倒是起了重要的作用,但是这种作用却同推行这一政策的原意完全相反。危机不但没有减弱,反而更加剧了。人们到处谈论“枪决经济犯”和掠夺有钱人。很明显,人们必然会得出这样的结论,即使是蒋的支持者,如果要想保住自己,也得把蒋搞掉,除此以外是没有任何别的办法的。到一九四八年秋,蒋已经把自己原先经济基础的支柱毁掉了许多。他能指靠的只剩下内地的少数地主和彻底依赖美国了。随着蒋的势力范围越缩越小,处于半无领导状态的群众,也越聚越紧,不断吐露着愤怒、绝望和反抗的情绪。

  In a desperate effort to restore the confidence of the people and halt threatening riots, Chiang Kai-shek sent his Russian-educated eldest son, Chiang Ching-kuo, to Shanghai and set him up with special troops and police as economic dictator over the port. Young Chiang met secretly with his close associates and decided on a policy, of striking against the middle classes in order to enlist the support of the city poor. His tactics were patterned after those used by Hitler to seize power. With a demagogic flair that his more austere father could not have equaled, young Chiang appealed to the people of Shanghai for what he called a program of "social revolution."

  Dispatching his spies and armed troops into Shanghai's stores, the dictator's son forced shop owners, on pain of arrest, to sell their merchandise at his artificially created prices. With this pistol at their heads, the storekeepers could do nothing but submit. Given a chance to turn worthless money into valuable commodities, Shangbailanders went on a buying bender. For perhaps the first time in modem Chinese history, sales clerks and shop owners deprecated the quality of their merchandise, frantically trying to persuade the customer not to buy. In vain. Customers wanted goods of any shape or size and right away. A coolie grabbed a handful of penicillin from a shelf. When an astonished clerk asked him if he knew its use, the coolie replied: "No, but I know it's worth more than money."

  The shelves of Shanghai's stores were swept clean. Within a few days, numerous shopkeepers were ruined. In trying to solve economic problems by political demagoguery, Chiang Kai-shek had revealed the desperateness of his position to everyone. However, the submission of the shopkeepers encouraged Chiang Kai-shek and permitted him to turn his panic into madness. He decided to show an iron energy. The middle classes had been thoroughly exploited. Now it was the turn of the upper classes. With a crazy disregard for consequences, young Chiang attacked the bankers and the big city racketeers - he most firm supporters of his father and the men who had helped him to power and kept him there for twenty years.

  To win support for his neofascist program, young Chiang conducted a series of raids against the property of the rich. Godowns, stores, markets, vehicles, ships, airplanes were all pounced on by Chiang's police. Following the seizure of capital goods, young Chiang turned to arrest the capitalists themselves. As a warm-up gesture, he shot a second-rate speculator, Wang Chun-chieh, to scare others into paying off.

  Next, young Chiang arrested the owners of the Sun Shing Textile Mills, the Wing On Mills and bankers and money changers of the Chekiang provincial bloc, all of which were basic components of his father's financial machine. With amazing rapidity, young Chiang knocked away the props of his father's economic support.

  In other words, that classic moment in the life of a dying regime had arrived when the leaders of the old society organize their own suicide. In such moments, history has a deplorable habit of turning artistic. That Chiang's son should be the instrument for weakening one of his father's last means of support seems like poetic justice. That this son should have been educated in the Soviet Union seems like a caricature of a poor novel. The climax of young Chiang's activities, however, was carried out in the manner of a movie designed for people of bad taste. In 1927, Chiang Kai-shek had come to power when Tu Yueh-sen, reputed opium king of Shanghai, had dispatched five thousand gangsters through the International Settlement against the workers in the native city. Now, young Chiang turned against his father's benefactor and arrested the opium king's son.

  After the blows against the Shanghai upper classes, the Chiang Kai-shek regime survived only some dozen weeks. The terrorism against the middle and upper brackets of Chinese society in the city played an important role, but a very different one from that upon which its perpetrators had counted. It did not weaken the crisis, but sharpened it. People talked everywhere of the "economic executions" and the plunder of the rich. The inference was obvious: even Chiang's supporters have no weapon of defense against him, but to get rid of him. By autumn 1948, Chiang had destroyed many of his former bases of economic support. All that was left him were a few landlords in the interior and utter dependence on the United States. As the circle of Chiang's influence grew smaller and smaller, the masses, half leaderless, crowded in closer and closer, breathing anger, despair and defiance.

  对于几十万人说来,切身的问题不再是要共产主义还是要独裁的问题了。忠于职守的中国教员以前曾经宣称,他们宁愿饿死也不愿离开他们的岗位。但是,他们现在面临着真正饿死的危险,而不是挨饿的可能,他们的想法很快就变得不一样了。一九四八年十月二十四日,国立北京大学八十二名教授宣布罢教,说他们的月薪只够维持自己几天的生活。两天后,清华、南开和北洋大学都举行了罢课、罢教。北平的十六所市立中学和二百三十四所小学也相继响应。从十一月十三日起,汉口地区的二十八所高等院校和中学以及昆明、青岛、南京、上海、成都、长沙等城市成千上万名教授、学生都加入了罢课浪潮。西方意义上的教育陷于停顿。教师们不得不花好几个钟头去借钱买粮。学生们替清寒的教授去排队买米。

  开始有教员自杀。厦门大学的一位生物学女教授服了毒,说她养不活她的孩子。国立广西大学的杜苏教授,因为付不起医院费用而跳楼自杀。汉民中学有一位教员自缢身死,因为有人看见他在路边卖自己的衣服,就怀疑他是偷了人家的东西。不光教员,军官也有自杀的。骆英超少将从船上跳水自杀,遗书中说,“余从军三十载,身为少将,仍无法养家小,不忍目睹彼等饿死”云云。

  麻木不仁和绝望情绪急剧扩展。与此同时,人们的怒火也不断高涨。上海的群众冲米店、饭馆、食品杂货店和煤球铺。警察抓走了数十名闹事者,但是后来又只得把他们释放,因为监狱已经人满为患。更有甚者,已经有警察在暴民冲进米店时,把头扭过去,装作什么都没有看见的样子。一个警察对记者说:“我干嘛要抓他们呢?说不定明天我自己也会跟他们一块儿干呢。” 从这个警察所说的话里,可以听出旧社会的丧钟已经敲响了。社会制度的武装保卫者竟然准备跟老百姓一块儿干,这就充分说明政府的权力正在崩溃。国民党人没有能力收拾局面,这一点已经暴露无遗。因此他们对自己也失去了信心。党内四分五烈,派系斗争十分剧烈。人们寄希望于出现奇迹,或者是美国进行干涉。

  For hundreds of thousands of people, the problem of life was no longer one of Communism or dictatorship, but one of survival. Teachers in China, loyal to their trust, had formerly declared that they would rather die of starvation than quit their posts. Faced with actual instead of possible starvation, however, they swiftly changed their minds. On October 24, 1948, eighty-two professors of Peking National University announced a strike, declaring that their monthly salaries were only enough to keep them alive for a few days. Two days later, Tsinghua, Nankai, and Peiyang universities went on strike. Sixteen municipal high schools and 234 primary schools in Peiping followed suit. Beginning on November I 3, twenty-eight colleges and high schools in the Hankow area and thousands of professors and students in Kunming, Tsingtao, Nanking, Shanghai, Chengtu, Changsha and other cities joined in the strike wave. Education in a Western sense ceased. Teachers had to spend hours trying to borrow money to buy food. Students queued up for poor professors in the rice lines.

  Teachers began to commit suicide. A woman professor of biology in Amoy University swallowed poison, saying she was no longer able to support her children. Professor Tu Su of National Kwangsi University killed himself by jumping from a building because he couldn't pay his hospital bills. A teacher of Han Min Middle School hanged himself because he had been suspected of stealing when he was found on the roadside selling his own clothing. Not only teachers, but even army officers killed themselves. Major General Loh Ying-chao jumped off a ship, leaving behind a note in which he said: I have been in the army thirty years and I am a major general, but still I can't support my family. I cannot bear to watch them die."

  Apathy and despair flowed down like rain. But with these emotions, there was a rising anger. Crowds in Shanghai stormed the rice shops, the restaurants, the grocery stores, the coal shops. Police rounded up scores of rioters, but had to release them. The jails were already filled. Moreover, policemen had begun to look the other way when mobs burst into rice shops. "Why should I arrest them?" a policeman asked a reporter. "I may join them myself tomorrow." In the words of this policeman, one may hear the death knell of the old society. The fact that the armed guardians of the social regime are now ready to join the common people adequately enough indicates the disintegration of the power of the government. As the result of their clearly revealed incapacity to deal with the situation, the members of Kuomintang lost faith in themselves, the party fell to pieces; a bitter struggle of groups and cliques prevailed, hopes were placed in miracles or - American intervention.

  但是积极参与政治的中国人不再相信奇迹了。他们唾弃国民党政权了。如果以为中国人民大多数都起来造统治者的反了,那是错误的。情况根本不是这个样儿。但是,在全体人民当中,确实已经有起决定作用的少数人,也就是多数积极参加政治斗争的人,为了搞掉蒋介石,愿意忍受各种牺牲,承担巨大的风险。

  促使许多人改变政治态度的,是蒋管区急剧恶化的生活条件,以及与此形成鲜明对照的共产党地区安定的生活条件。共产党采取开明的经济政策,他们保护民族工商业的私有财产,这就打消了许多中国实业界人士的恐惧心理,使他们相信自己可以在共产党统治下生存下去,而他们现在已经无法在蒋介石统治下生存下去了。共产党优待被俘的国民党将领一事,使得国民党的司令官们在为蒋卖命之前不免三思。不少人还幻想,降顺共产党后,仍然可以通过在敌人阵营内部耍弄政治权术而重新得势起来。逃奔解放区的学生捎回消息说,他们已经成了“新社会”里的光荣领袖人物。在蒋管区,许多在旧社会里混不下去的人,现在开始看到了一条出路。不少中国人原来只是消极反对蒋介石,现在已经变为直接支持共产党。

  商人们搞起了一支木船队,从上海和香港载运汽油、煤油、轮胎、汽车零件、化学药品和其他物品,驶往沿海的共产党地区。刘伯承将军的部队横渡黄河进入华中的时候,商人们立即开始穿越前线,运送布匹,给他的士兵做上了制服。这种贸易之所以兴起,一方面是由于蒋家官员的贪污受贿,另一方面是要做生意得有门路。还有一个原因,就是许多中国人想要搞掉他们的独裁统治者,并且把共产党看作唯一的希望。过去蒋介石能够不让联合国善后救济总署的物资送到解放区人民的手里,但是现在这种贸易虽然在他的鼻子尖底下进行,他却根本没有办法制止。运往共产党地区的货物,有些是经过蒋介石自己的淞沪警备司令部批准的。木船满载运给共产党的物资,平安无事地在拱卫上海的吴淞要塞的大炮跟前驶过,船主用金条买通了吴淞口和长江上的海军巡逻艇。更妙的是,船上装的货都在蒋的政府银行保了险。共产党的地下工作人员,身上带着违禁的金条,大摇大摆,走在上海街头,他们往往持有蒋介石特务机关发给的特别通行证。许多特务对他们的独裁统治者已萌异志。

  But politically active Chinese no longer believed in miracles. They wanted no more of the Kuomintang regime. It would be wrong to think that the majority of the Chinese people revolted against their rulers. Such was not the case at all. But it was true that a decisive minority of the whole people, or a majority of those actively engaged in the political struggle, were now willing to endure sacrifices and take great risks in order to get rid of Chiang Kai-shek.

  This change in the political feelings of a great number of people was not only produced by the collapse of life conditions in Chiang's areas, but by the sharp contrast offered by living conditions in Communist areas. The liberal economic policies of the Communists, their protection of private property in commerce, trade and native industry, had served to dispel the fears of many Chinese businessmen and given them the belief that they could exist under the Communists which they could no longer do under Chiang Kai-shek. The lenient treatment of captured Kuomintang generals made Kuomintang commanders think twice before risking their lives for Chiang's sake. The idea that they could surrender to the Communists and then regain their influence by political intrigue within the enemy camp also attracted many others. Students who had fled over to the Liberated Areas reported they were honored leaders in the "new society." Many people in Chiang's areas began to see a path of escape from the cul-de-sac where society had trapped them. From passive opposition to Chiang Kai-shek, not a few Chinese now turned directly to support the Communists.

  From Shanghai and Hongkong, a fleet of junks, organized by businessmen, sailed with gasoline, kerosene, tires, automobile spare parts, chemicals and other products to Communist territory along the coast. When General Liu Po-cheng's troops crossed the Yellow River and came into Central China, businessmen immediately began to ship cloth across the lines to make uniforms for Liu's soldiers. Part of this trade was due to the corruption of Chiang's officials, part due to the fact that trade will always find its own channels, but some of it was due to the fact that many Chinese wanted to get rid of their dictator and saw their only hope in the Communists. Chiang Kai-shek had been able to stop UNRRA relief materials from going to the people in the Liberated Areas, but he found himself quite unable to halt the trade which was impudently carried on right under his nose. Shipments to Communist areas were passed by the Shanghai-Woosung Garrison command of Chiang Kai-shek himself. Junks loaded with materials for the Communists sailed with perfect impunity directly under the guns of the Woosung forts guarding Shanghai. Naval patrol vessels at the mouth of the Woosung and the Yangtze rivers were paid off with gold bars carried by the junk commanders. More revealing still, the shipments were insured by Chiang's government banks. Communist agents who walked the streets of Shanghai with forbidden gold bars in their pockets were often armed with special passes from Chiang Kai-shek's secret service, many of whom were fed up with their dictator.

  在全国各地,人民的不满情绪渐渐转化为坚定的革命情绪。蒋所推行的恐怖政策,很快就得到了报应。知识分子和学生,受到压迫、迫害、拷打和杀害,空前迅速地觉醒起来了。北京大学的教授在讲台上历数“美帝国主义”的罪行。有人出版墙报,赞扬毛泽东制定的“新民主主义”。反政府的浪潮从北平的大学校园扩展到各省,从城市发展到农村。虽坚决的是华南的农民,而他们离内战地区将近一千英里。在四分之一世纪前,广东省曾是国民党革命的发祥地。现在,那里的农民游击队从国民党官员手里夺取了整个、整个的县份。与缅甸接壤的云南省也发生了同样的情形。当地的草莽英雄带领穷人起来战斗,自行割据小块的地盘。但是蒋政府对这些凶兆置之不顾,地主仍旧当权,农民继续造反。

  中国社会的一些头面人物看出大势不妙,蒋的统治机器犹如大厦之将倾,大家纷纷同它脱离干系。四川军阀停止把大米运住长江下游。曾任蒋介石行辕主任的李济深将军,避居香港,在那里搞起了一个国民党反对派组织,号召全国起来造蒋的反。南洋华侨停止汇款回国。美国的一些华侨领袖撤消了对蒋介石的支持。尽管蒋企图力挽狂澜,结果却只是枉费心机。他的特务机关给所有反政府的人都扣上共产党的帽子,这也无济于事。蒋原先依靠的支柱全都垮了,他的军队也开始崩溃。国民党军队的士兵都是农民出身,共产党所搞的土地改革,在瓦解他们的士气方面一直起着重大的作用。现在,后方的知识分子起来反对政府,使得将领们也都意志消沉,其中有许多人已经到了造反的边缘。

  整天在恐怖中生活的中国人民,怒火满腔,奋不顾身地起来斗争,步步进逼,终于使他们的独裁统治者陷入重围。

  Everywhere the oppositional mood of the people was transmuted into a definitely revolutionary mood. The compensation for Chiang's terror came fast. Driven, persecuted, tortured, murdered, the intellectuals and the students rose more rapidly than ever. Professors in Peiping University now openly lectured on the evils of "American imperialism." Wall newspapers went up proclaiming the glories of the "new democracy" promulgated by Mao Tze-tung. The process of opposition ran from the campuses in Peiping into the provinces, from the cities into the villages. Most resolute of all were the peasants in South China, nearly a thousand miles from the civil war areas. In Kwangtung Province where the Kuomintang revolution had begun a quarter of a century before, peasant guerrillas took over whole counties from Kuomintang officials. In Yunan, near the borders of Burma, the same thing happened, with local heroes fighting on the side of the poor carving out petty domains for themselves. The Chiang government refused to heed these warnings; the landlords remained in power and the peasants continued to revolt.

  Seeing the handwriting on the wall, leaders of Chinese society began to withdraw from the crumbling Chiang machine. Warlords from Szechuan stopped sending rice down the Yangtze. Marshal Li Chi-sen, former head of the generalissimo's headquarters, from the safety of British Hongkong organized an opposition Kuomintang and called for a nationwide revolt against Chiang. Southseas Chinese began to halt their remittances to the homeland. Some Chinese leaders in the United States withdrew their support from the generalissimo. In vain did Chiang try to hold back the rising tide against him. His secret service accused everyone in opposition of being a Communist. All to no avail.

  With all his former bases of support collapsing, Chiang's army also began to collapse. Hitherto, the Communist land reform had been a powerful agent in helping demoralize the peasant soldiers in the Kuomintang armies. Now, the disaffection of the intellectuals in the rear lines brought about the collapse of morale among the generals, many of whom were on the verge of revolt.

  Desperate, angry, fearful, the Chinese people slowly pushed their dictator toward the wall.