第十四章 中国前景展望
 

CHAPTER XIV

CHINESE HORIZONS

第六十节 财产
60. Property
  《共产党宣言》写道;“共产主义者的理论可以归为一句话:‘消灭私有财产。’”在苏联,这是俄国人的理论与实践的核心。但中国共产党人却没有采取这样的作法。中国共产党在一九四七年九月制订的土地法大纲完全根据实际经验明确规定:

1.不论年纪大小,地主或佃户、国民党或共产党,人人都应平均分配土地。

2.分得的财产即为个人所有,可以自由经营、自由买卖,并可在特殊情况下加以出租。

  老布尔什维克猛烈攻击私有财产的作法,同中国共产党的政策之间有很大不同。俄国人不容个人任何选择,要么放弃土地,要么被轰走。而中国共产党人同今天的南斯拉夫共产党人一样,并不要求立即废除私有财产。在他们的心目中,私有财产仍是万恶之源。但他们无意把它彻底消灭——至少现在还不想这样做。他们打算同它妥协,容忍它的存在。他们完全不反对私人持有土地。实际上,他们的态度正相反。他们目前的政策是让农民获得土地,发家致富。

"THE theory of the Communist," says the Communist Manifesto, "may be summed up in one sentence: the abolition of private property." This is the kernel of the Russian practice (in the Soviet Union) as well as theory. But it finds no place among the Communists of China.

  Regulations of the Chinese Communist agrarian law, which was not drawn up until September 1947 and then only on the basis of actual experience, specifically state that:

1. Land shall be equally distributed, irrespective of young or old, landlord or tenant, Kuomintang or Communist.

2. The property distributed to each person shall be his personal property and may be freely managed, bought or sold and, under special conditions, rented.

  There is a wide gulf between the old Bolshevik attacks on private property and the policy of the Chinese Communists. The Russians left no choice to the individual. He gave up his land or was cast out. But the Chinese Communists, like their Yugoslav counterparts today, do not seek the outright abolition of private property. Although in their minds, they think this villain is the root of all evil, they would not slay him - not now at any rate. They would compromise with him, humor him. They have no anathemas against the holding of land. In fact, just the opposite is the case. Take the land and get rich is the present idea.

  共产党在它的土地法中对私有财产作了让步,但并没有对地主作任何让步。土地法明确规定地主阶级必须消灭,不容分说。地主要就是屈服,要就是被消灭掉;他被剥夺了过去享有的一切社会地位和政治权力。共产党人认为,消灭了地主阶级,也就废除了最残酷的封建剥削形式。他们对这种封建剥削是极为痛恨的。然而他们并不强烈谴责资本主义。

  在这一点上,中国共产党人也是不同于正统马克思主义“必须消灭中产阶级”的理论。原先这种理论不仅适用于生产资料,也适用于分配手段。

  中国共产党人在二十年代末、二十年代初期也几乎盲目地信奉这种理论。二十年前按这种理论行事的结果,在一定程度上导致了中国马克思主义的失败。现在这种理论已被抛弃了。为了肃清它在共产党新老干部思想中的影响,毛泽东进行了不懈的斗争。他特意对中产阶级作出了照顾和让步。中国土地法大纲明确保障工商企业的优惠地位。党中央十分重视这一政策,曾在一段时间内明令减轻工商企业税。

  在经济上很少对私有财产加以限制。事实上正相反。商人、煤矿主、火柴厂经理一类人,至少在国内战争期间都被看成是幸运儿。

  共产党采取这种温和的政策决不是出于对私有财产神圣的信仰。他们知道他们现在推行的政策还不能使人民得到彻底解放。贫穷还不可能从地球上消失,经济上的不平等将继续存在。中国社会的客观条件以及共产党自己进行二十年土地改革的经验,使他们不得不同私有财产这个魔鬼暂时妥协。这两者使共产党人懂得还是慢慢来为妙。他们不在乎被别人叫做土匪或改良派。他们看待一切事物都是从当前任务的需要出发的。

 

  The Communists make concessions to private property in their agrarian law, but no concessions are made to the landlord. Regulations specifically state that all landlords are abolished. There is no appeal from this judgment. The landlord either submits or he is done in. He is deprived of all social attributes and the political power he formerly enjoyed. The Communists think that by eliminating the landlords they have ended the most cruel forms of feudal exploitation. Against this, all their wrath is directed. There are no tirades against capitalism.

  Here again they differ from original Marxist theory which says:"The middle class owner of property must be swept out of the way." This originally applied not only to the means of production but also embraced the means of distribution.

  Such theories were also held with almost dogmatic faith by Chinese Communists back in the late 1920's and early 1930's. An attempt to put them in practice in some measure led to the defeat of Chinese Marxism twenty years ago. These theories at present have gone by the board. Mao Tze-tung has waged a constant battle to uproot them from the thoughts of Communist cadres, both old and new. The middle-class owner of property is deliberately coddled and given concessions. Provisions of the Chinese land reform specifically guarantee that commercial and business enterprises be given a preferred place. So strong is this feeling among the top party group that for a time it insisted on lightening the tax burden on business and trading ventures. (1)

  Few economic strictures have been placed on private property. Just the opposite. The private businessman, the coal-mine owner, the match-factory operator, at least during the period of the civil war, have all been regarded as children of fortune.

  Certainly it has not been any belief in the sacredness of private property that has moved the Communists to adopt such a mild program. They do not see man fully emancipated under their present policy. Poverty will not vanish from the earth. Economic inequality will not be gone. What has made them come to terms with the devil of private property are the objective conditions of Chinese society and their own twenty years' experience with the land reform. Both of these things have taught the Chinese Communists the wisdom of going slow. They do not care whether they are called bandits or reformers. They see everything in the light of the present task.

原注一:这一态度会维持多久不得而知。共产党已经显示出用重税来清除外国势力的倾向。上海美国学校被课税七万六千美元,即将关门大吉。Anglican Holy Trinity教堂被要求缴纳五万六千美元的土地税。教堂的头头表示:“这一定是搞错了。”其实并不一定有错。共产党就是打算要清除“帝国主义”势力。

(1) How long this attitude will last is problematical. The Communists give some indications of wishing to drive Western interests out of China by means of heavy taxes. Thus, the Shanghai-American School has been taxed U. S. $76,000 and is about to close. The Anglican Holy Trinity Cathedral has been presented with a land-tax bill for $56,000. When presented with this bill, the dean of the cathedral remarked: "There must be some mistake." It is doubtful if there is any mistake. The Communists seem determined to get rid of "imperialist" influences.

  就其政治形态而言,中国共产主义乃是夺取、保持以及扩大国家政权的工具。对毛泽东来说,反蒋战争的中心问题是争取群众的拥护,尽可能少树敌。

  毛认为平均分配土地是争取群众支持的最好办法。他认为,只有占人口总数百分之八到十,但拥有全部土地百分之七十到八十的地主富农才反对这个纲领。由此,他得出结论,百分之九十的人民将参加上地改革和统一战线。我个人认为毛的估计有点过高。但毛就是这样看的,并且向党说明他就是根据这样的估计制定他的策略的。

  毛提出了两项基本原则:依靠贫农,团结中农。毛知道佃农是他的最坚决的拥护者,因此,他想让贫农团成为分配土地的权力机构。可是,他认为中农才是决定性因素。他指出,必须对中农作出让步。如果中农反对平均分配土地,则应允许他们保持比一般农民稍多一点的土地。

  在这方面,毛常常不得不对在土地改革中搞得过头的农民和头脑发热的干部加以限制。

  毛在一九四八年四月指出:“在许多地方把许多并无封建剥削行为的劳动人民错误地划到地主富农因子里去,错误地扩大了打击面。忘记了我们在土地改革中可能和必须团结农村中户数百分之九十二左右,建立反封建制度的统一战线这样一个极端重要的战略方针。”

  毛不但要防止他的基层干部脱离中农,还要对那些混进党内、认为废除封建主义就是杀地主的痞子进行斗争。

  毛指出:“我们的目标是消灭封建剥削制度和地主阶级,而不是在肉体上消灭地主。”

  这种警告是很必要的。许多干部根据“群众要怎么办就怎么办“的口号,对农民的暴力行为不加阻止。还有些干部认为杀人是正当的,而不制止乱杀现像。有些干部私下对我说:“这种暴力行为是对土地改革的歪曲。”一方面,毛必须制止土地改革中的暴力行为(在写作本书时已经制止了);同时,他还得大力推行平等政策——这种政策在土地改革初期并不是总能贯彻的。有些地方,地主富农所保留的土地远远超过一般农民的标准。毛认为这种让步是完全错误的。另一方面,他宣布不应重复一九三一至一九三四年间执行的“不给地主土地,只给富农坏地”的“极左政策”。

  “对地主必须分给和农民同样的土地财产,并使他们学会劳动生产,参加国民经济生活的行列。

  “只可惩办那些查有实据的罪大恶极的恶霸分子。

  “必须实行对一切人的宽大政策,禁止任何的乱打乱杀。”

  Chinese Communism, in its political form, is a technique for getting, holding and extending state power. To Mao Tze-tung, the central problem of the war against Chiang Kai-shek was to win the support of the masses and alienate as few people as possible.

  Mao thought this support could best be gained by an equal division of the land. Such a program, he thought, would alienate only 8 to 10 percent of the population, comprising the landlords and rich peasants, who held 70 to 80 percent of the land. Therefore, he believed the number of people who would participate in the land reform and the united front would compose 90 per cent of the people. Personally, I think Mao's figures are much too high, but they are the ones he has given and the ones on which he stated to his party that be was basing his tactics.

  Mao advocated two general principles: rely on the poor peasants and unite with the middle peasants. Realizing that his most ardent supporters would come from the tenants, he wished to make the poor peasant leagues the legal organs for dividing the land. Yet he saw the middle peasants as the decisive factor. Concessions must be made to them, he warned. If they did not agree to an equal land division, they must be permitted to retain more land than the average peasant.

  In this respect, Mao often had to put a brake on the poor farmers and some of his zealous cadres who got quite out of hand in conducting the reform.

  "In many places," Mao noted in April 1948, "many laboring people who did not engage in feudal exploitation were placed in landlord or rich peasant categories. Thus the area of attack was erroneously expanded and forgotten was the extremely important strategic principle that it is possible and necessary to unite around 92 per cent of the rural households and establish a united front against the feudal system."

  Not only did Mao have to prevent his lower cadres from alienating the middle peasants, but he had to wage a war against many thugs who had crept into the party and thought that abolishing feudalism meant killing of the landlords.

  "Our object," said Mao, "is to eliminate the feudal system of exploitation and to eliminate the landlords as a class but not to eliminate the person of the landlord."

  This warning was needed. Many cadres did not interfere with peasant violance because they wanted to follow the slogan: "Do things the way the masses want." Other cadres did not interfere with killings because they thought they were just. Still others used to confide to me that such violence was a "distortion of the land reform."

  While Mao was trying to check - unccessfully at this writing - the violence of the land reform, he at the same time had to wage a battle for his thesis of equality which was not always practiced in the initial stages of the reform. In some places, landlords and rich peasants were left much more land than the average. Mao believed this concession was entirely wrong. On the other hand, he declared that the "ultra-left policy" carried out between 1931 and 1934 of no land to the landlord and poor land to the rich peasant should not be repeated.

  "The landlords must be given land and property equal to that of the peasants and they must be helped to work and produce and join the ranks of the national economic life."

  "Only tyrannical elements with enormous crimes whose guilt had been proved should be punished.

  "A policy of leniency toward all men must be carried out prohibiting any indiscriminate violence."

  克制和谨慎行事是毛泽东的一项重要策略原则。

  他警告说:“不要企图在一个早上消灭全部的封建剥削制度。”而在那些暂时尚难巩固地占领的区域,则不要忙于进行土地改革,而只做一些可以做的按照当前情况有利于群众的工作。”

  “分浮财和分土地,均必须在环境比较安定和绝大多数群众充分发动之后,否则就是冒险的,靠不住的,有害无益的。”

  以上谈的是土地改革和夺取政权的斗争。至于土地改革是否能解决中国的问题,那完全是另一回事。分配土地本身并不能在中国产生健全的农业经济。它既不能创造出工业化所需的资金,也无法消除过剩的农村人口对土地的压力。过去的国民党农业专家和今天的外国专家都引用这些无可辩驳的事实,来证明共产党的土地改革纲领是完全多余的。但正如我们在前面所指出的,土地改革并不只是土地问题,还涉及同地主经济紧密相联的整个社会制度。如果不进行土地改革,有的人就会活活饿死,农民就会被任意残杀,妇女就会像牲口一样被买卖。蒋介石的支持者还说,土地改革拆散了大庄园,在经济上是倒退的。但资本主义式农业在中国少得可怜——在共产党实行土地改革的华北则肯定不存在。况且,共产党的目的并不是把大农场分成小农场,而是通过集体劳动使小农场合并成大农场。

  共产党目前对私有财产采取这样的态度,并不意味着他们将来不实行土地国有化。你把一个共产党员叫到角落里,对他说你认为把庄园拆散不能解决中国对农业现代化也就是大农业的基本需要,他会告诉你:“我们首先要解决的问题,是使农民摆脱地主的剥削,得以活命。农民得到土地以后,认识到他是社会中的一员,人人平等,因此,他开始认识到实行民主的必要性。然后,正如我们目前已经在老解放区实行的那样,我们将引导农民实行互助耕作。这样,农民就会逐渐认识到还是大农业好,他自己那一小块土地同他能过上好日子相比就不那么重要了。农民自己逐渐会创造合作的形式,我们且注意看他们。也许需要十年才能完成全中国的土地改革,再过十年才能实行互助耕作。到那以后,才能谈集体化。土地国有化也许不一定对中国有利。那样的话,我们就不实行土地国有化。俄国把农民变成了国家的佃户。目前我们不需要任何佃户。”

  我在共产党地区游历时,除了少数地痞和一些头脑发热的地方干部非法向从事工商业的地主征税以外,我没有见到从根本上违反共产党关于私人财产政策的现像。可以肯定,共产党没有试图废除私有财产,实行商业国有化或土地集体化。实践和理论之间的差距非常小。

  Moderation and going slow were to Mao Tze-tung an important tactical principle.

  "Do not attempt to eliminate the whole feudal system of exploitation overnight," he warns.

  "In regions not firmly occupied, do not be in too much of a hurry to carry on agrarian reform, but do beneficial work for the people in accordance with existing conditions.

  "Distribution of property and land must be done after the environment is comparatively stable and an overwhelming majority of the masses have been fully aroused, otherwise it is adventuristic, unreliable and wholly detrimental."

  So much for land reform and the struggle for power. Whether land reform can solve China's ills is another question entirely. Land division, in itself, cannot create a sound agrarian economy in China, it cannot create the capital necessary for industrialization nor can it eliminate the pressure of the excess rural population on the land. These indisputable facts were used by Chiang Kai-shek's agronomes and they are still being used today by foreign experts to prove that the Communist land-reform program was entirely unnecessary. But, as we have already pointed out, land reform was not just a question of land, but also was a question of the whole social system tied to the landlord structure. Without land reform people could be deliberately starved to death, men could be murdered at will and women bought and sold like cattle. It has also been assumed by Chiang's supporters that land reform is a retrograde economic step because it split up large estates. But there is little capitalist farming in China - certainly not in North China where the Communists put their program into practice. Moreover, the tendency was not to make big farms into small ones, but to make small ones into larger ones by co-operative labor.

  The present Communist attitude toward private property does not mean that they may not someday nationalize the land. Get a Communist in a corner and tell him that you don't think splitting up the land holdings will solve China's basic need for industrialization of agriculture and hence for larger holdings and he will answer: "Our first problem is to give the peasant a chance to live by freeing him from landlord exploitation. When he gets land, he realizes he is an individual and that everyone has equal rights and then he realizes the need for democracy. After that, as we are already doing in the older Liberated Areas, we will teach the peasants to work each other's land co-operatively. Then he will gradually realize the need for bigger farms. His own private holding will seem less important to him than his general well-being. Gradually the peasant will work out his own forms and we will follow him. It may take ten years to divide the land over all China. Maybe another ten years to introduce co-operative farming. After that we can talk of collectivization. But nationalization of the land may be no good for China. If not, we won't use it. Russia made the peasant the tenant of the state. For the time being we don't want any tenants."

  While I was in Communist territory, outside of a few local thugs and some zealous local cadres who unofficially taxed landlords engaged in commerce and business, I did not see any basic violation of the Communists' general policy toward property. Certainly there was no attempt to abolish private property, nationalize commerce or collectivize the land. The spread between practice and theory was very narrow.

  一九四七年圣诞节,毛泽东在中共中央委员会作的一篇报告中,对共产党取得胜利以后中国经济的发展前景作了一番展望。他在讲话中描绘了未来中国社会的大概轮廓。我现在不加评论,转述如下:

  毛认为,革命有三大经济任务:

一、没收封建阶级的土地归农民所有。

二、没收蒋介石、宋子文、孔祥熙、陈立夫为首的垄断资本归新民主主义的国家所有。

三、保护民族工商业。

  毛指出,“四大家族”在他们当权的二十年中,已经集中了价值达一百万万至二百万万美元的巨大财产,垄断了全国的经济命脉。这个垄断资本,和国家政权结合在一起,同外国帝国主义密切地结合着,不但压迫工人农民,而且压迫城市小资产阶级,损害中等资产阶级。所以,革命所要消灭的对像是封建主义和垄断资本主义,地主和官僚资产阶级,而不是一般地消灭资本主义、小资产阶级和中等资产阶级。

  由于中国还很落后,应当允许资本主义经济的存在。中国的农业经济在相当长的时期内仍将是分散的、个体的。然而,由于已经从封建制度下解放了出来,它将被引向集体化的方面。因为这种原因,这种小的和中等的资本主义成分的存在并没有什么危险,而是可取的。土地改革后,在农村中必然发生的富农经济,也是如此。党在一九三一年至一九三四年期间所犯过的消灭工商业资产阶级的锚误,是绝对不许重复的。

  工人的劳动条件不应过高;不得征收过高的所得税;土改中不应侵犯工商业者,不得重复所谓“以劳动者福利为目标”的近视的政策。

  As for the immediate future of Chinese economy in the event of a Communist victory, Mao Tze-tung gave his ideas of what it should be in a speech to the central committee of the party on Christmas Day, 1947. His words are a kind of hazy blueprint for a future Chinese society and I paraphrase them here without comment.

  The three great economic tasks of the revolution, according to Mao, are to:

1. Confiscate the land of the feudal classes and put it under the ownership of the peasants.

2. Confiscate the monopoly capital headed by China's four big families - Chiang Kai-shek, T. V. Soong, H. H. Kung and Chen Li-fu - and put it under the new democratic state.

3. Protect national industry and commerce.

  The "Four families," says Mao, during their twenty years have amassed enormous capital worth twenty billion American dollars and monopolized the economic pulse of the entire country. This bureaucratic capital, merged with state power, has become intimately connected with foreign imperialism. It oppresses not only workers and peasants but also the petty and the middle bourgeoisie.

  Therefore, the objects which the Revolution is to eliminate are feudalism and monopoly capitalism, the landlord class and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, not capitalism in general and not the petty and middle bourgeoisie.

  Because of the backwardness of China, it will be necessary to permit the existence of capitalist economy. China's agricultural economy will also be scattered and individual for a long time. Nevertheless, having been freed from feudalism, it can be guided in the direction of co-operatives. For this reason the existence of small and middle capitalist elements is not dangerous, but desirable. For the same reasons the new rich peasant economy that will come into being after the agrarian revolution will also not be dangerous.

  The mistakes of 1931-1934, when the party wanted to liquidate commercial and industrial classes, must not be repeated. There must be no excessively high working conditions for the laborer, no exorbitant income taxes, no infringing on industrial and commercial elements in land reform, no repetition of the shortsighted policy of so-called "welfare of the toilers."

  总起来说,新社会的经济构成是:

(1)国营经济,

(2)逐步地向着集体方向发展的农业经济,

(3)独立小工商业者的经济和小的、中等的私人资本经济。

  必须实行发展生产,公私兼顾,劳资两利的发展国民经济的方针。任何其他的政策都是害死人的,错误的。

  以上就是毛关于‘新民主主义”的大概设想。

  更具体地说,可以有把握地认为,包括钢铁工业在内的所有重工业,包括生产军火和化学品的所有国防工业,以及所有机器和资本货物的制造业都将完全由国家经营。但是,私人资本可以在轻工业中获得不受限制的发展。已经邀请国民党工商企业家在解放区投资。各地由共产党领导的政府向他们提供了特别的便利条件。

  到目前为止,在共产党新占领的大城市中仍允许私人银行和钱庄继续营业。在今后一段时间内可能将继续允许它们营业。

  十分明显,共产党的贸易政策是基于下述两条原则:国内实行自由贸易,对外贸易由国家管制。共产党办的杂志《中国文摘》说;“对外贸实行管制的目的是只进口对经济建设必要和有用的物资,禁止进口对国内工业有害的非必需品。”就理论上来说,这同蒋介石政府采取的政策是一样的。但共产党认为,南京的贸易政策只不过是由“四大家族”实行垄断,并为倾销美国货物大开方便之门。只有官僚资本才从这种政策中获利,而私人企业却被挤垮,整个国家的经济遭到扼杀。共产党声称,他们的新政府将实行国营贸易以获取外汇,但同时将保证私人出口商的利益。蒋介石政权从未成功的执行过这一政策,这是它脱离中国实业界人士的原因之一。国民党已经失败了,共产党在这方面是否能成功,我们且拭目以待。

  In brief, the economic structure of the new society is:

1. State economy.

2. Agricultural economy developing step by step toward a collective one.

3. The economy of independent, small industrial and commercial business and the economy of small and middle private capital.

  The guiding principles of the national economy must be the development of production, the guarding of public and private interests and creating benefits to both capital and labor.

  Any other policy would be fatal and erroneous.

  Such is Mao's vague plan for the "new democracy."

  More specifically, it is safe to say that all heavy industries, such as iron and steel, all defense industries, such as the manufacture of munitions and chemicals, and all manufactures of tools and capital goods will be solely reserved for the state. Private capital, however, will be given unlimited opportunities in light industry. Already Kuomintang businessmen and industrialists have been invited to invest in the Liberated Areas and special assistance has been given them by various Communist-led governments.

  So far, private banks and money changers have been allowed to continue their operations in the large cities newly conquered by the Communists. Probably they will be allowed to do so for some time to come.

  Communist trade policy will undoubtedly be guided by two principles: free trade internally and state control of foreign trade. "The aim of controlled foreign trade," says the Communist magazine, China Digest, is "to import only materials necessary and beneficial to economic reconstruction while banning nonessential imports harmful to home industry." Theoretically this is the same policy adopted by the government of Chiang Kai-shek, but the Communists claim that Nanking trade policy was nothing more than a monopoly by the "Four Big Families" which paved the way for the dumping of American goods. Under such a policy, only the government bureaucrats profited; private firms were driven out of business and the economy of the entire nation was strangled. The Communists claim that their new government will practice state trading to acquire foreign exchange, but at the same time will guarantee profits for the individual exporter. The Chiang Kai-shek regime was never very successful in this policy and that is one reason why it alienated Chinese businessmen. Whether the Communists will succeed where the Kuomintang failed remains to be seen.